ترجمه مطبوعاتی

Nov 20th 2025

Abbas Araghchi Interview with Adam Roberts and Nick Pelham

On November 19th, in Tehran, The Economist interviewed Abbas Araghchi, Iran’s foreign minister. This is a transcript of the conversation.

The Economist: Could we begin by asking about Donald Trump? He has suggested that there is a deal to be done between the United States and Iran. So why not reach out and seek an opportunity to do a deal with Donald Trump?

آیا می‌توانیم با پرسشی درباره دونالد ترامپ شروع کنیم؟ او گفته است که امکان انجام یک توافق میان ایالات متحده و ایران وجود دارد. پس چرا برای استفاده از این فرصت و انجام یک توافق با دونالد ترامپ اقدام نمی‌کنید؟

Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi: We did it several times, and unfortunately we don’t have any good experience of negotiating with the United States, especially with the current administration. You all remember that in 2015 we negotiated a very important deal, which was called JCPOA, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. After more than two years of negotiations, we finally concluded a deal which was celebrated by the whole world as an achievement of diplomacy.

خب، ما چندین بار این کار را انجام داده‌ایم. متأسفانه هیچ تجربه خوبی از مذاکره با ایالات متحده، به‌ویژه با دولت فعلی، نداریم. همه شما به یاد دارید که در سال 2015 ما یک توافق بسیار مهم به نام برجام (برنامه جامع اقدام مشترک) را مذاکره کردیم. پس از بیش از دو سال مذاکره، سرانجام به توافقی رسیدیم که در سراسر جهان به‌عنوان دستاوردی برای دیپلماسی جشن گرفته شد.

Iran started to implement its commitments in the deal in a perfect way, and there are reports after reports by the IAEA which confirms Iran’s full compliance to the deal. And then, unfortunately, the United States, during the first term of Trump’s administration, decided to withdraw without any reason, without any justification. And that became a very, very bad experience for us.

ایران اجرای تعهدات خود را به بهترین شکل آغاز کرد و گزارش‌های متعدد آژانس بین‌المللی انرژی اتمی پایبندی کامل ایران به توافق را تأیید کردند. اما متأسفانه ایالات متحده در دوره اول دولت ترامپ بدون هیچ دلیل و توجیهی از توافق خارج شد.این برای ما تجربه‌ای بسیار بد بود. سپس امسال، در سال 2025، دوباره وارد مذاکره شدیم.پنج دور مذاکره با دولت آمریکا داشتیم و بسیار به توافق نزدیک شده بودیم. قصد ندارم وارد جزئیات شوم.اما اگر لازم باشد، روزی آن‌ها را توضیح خواهم داد.

Then, this year, in 2025, again we engaged in negotiations. And I had five rounds of negotiation with Steve Witkoff. And we were very close to have a deal, a good compromise. I don’t have any intention to go into the details of that. But if necessary, I will do that someday. So we had five rounds of talks, and we set the sixth round for 15 June this year. But two days before that, Israelis attacked us. And in fact, they attacked the negotiation table. And it was with the support of the United States. No doubt about that.

سپس، امسال، در سال ۲۰۲۵، دوباره درگیر مذاکره شدیم. و من پنج دور مذاکره با استیو ویتکاف داشتم. و ما خیلی به رسیدن به یک توافق، یک مصالحه خوب، نزدیک بودیم. من قصد ندارم وارد جزئیات آن شوم. اما اگر لازم باشد، روزی این کار را خواهم کرد. بنابراین ما پنج دور مذاکره داشتیم و دور ششم را برای ۱۵ ژوئن امسال تعیین کردیم. اما دو روز قبل از آن، اسرائیلی‌ها به ما حمله کردند. و در واقع، آنها به میز مذاکره حمله کردند. و این با حمایت ایالات متحده بود. شکی در این مورد نیست.

The Economist: Are you sure?

Mr Araghchi: Yeah, of course, President Trump admitted himself just a few days ago. And it was President Trump who issued tweets in the middle of that war asking Iran for unconditional surrender. He asked people in Tehran to evacuate. So he was obviously leading those attacks. And then just a few days ago he admitted that everything was their plan and their scenario. Then in New York we had again engaged in talks to prevent snapback. We failed for the way that Americans negotiated. So we don’t have any single good positive experience negotiating with the United States.

مطمئن هستید؟

بله. همانطور که خود ترامپ چند روز پیش به آن اعتراف کرد. ترامپ در میانه همان درگیری‌ها توییت‌هایی منتشر کرد و خواستار «تسلیم بی‌قید و شرط» ایران شد. او به مردم تهران گفت: «تهران را تخلیه کنید.» بنابراین آشکارا هدایت آن حملات را بر عهده داشت. و چند روز پیش هم اعتراف کرد که همه چیز از قبل برنامه‌ریزی و هماهنگ شده بود. سپس، در نیویورک دوباره وارد مذاکراتی شدیم تا از فعال شدن مکانیسم اسنپ بک جلوگیری کنیم. ما با این نحوه مذاکره ایالات متحده روبه‌رو شدیم. بنابراین ما حتی یک تجربه مثبت و قابل اتکا از مذاکره با آمریکا نداریم.

The Economist: But in this instance, Donald Trump has personally put his name on the line. He said that he wants to be the president who negotiates a deal with Iran. Why not take him at face value now after this latest offer and say come to Tehran, let’s do a deal?

اما در این مورد، دونالد ترامپ شخصاً پا پیش گذاشته است. او گفته که می‌خواهد همان رئیس‌جمهوری باشد که توافق با ایران را انجام می‌دهد. چرا اکنون، پس از حمله اخیر، حرف او را جدی نمی گیرید و نمی گویید «به تهران بیا، بیایید توافق کنیم»؟

Mr Araghchi: First of all, as I said, we don’t have a good experience of talking with his administration. Secondly, yes, we are in favour of a deal, but a fair and balanced deal. The problem is when Americans, the current administration, talk about a deal in fact they want to dictate what they want. And this is what we experienced as recently as two months ago in New York. We are ready for negotiation, but not for dictation. We are really to go for a deal, but for a fair and balanced deal, not a one-sided deal. This is the problem. The moment we come to the conclusion that the US has changed this approach, and instead of dictating, is ready for a real negotiation, and is ready, as I said, for a fair and balanced deal, a win-win deal, as we call it, then we can consider.

اول از همه، من می‌گویم که هیچ تجربه خوبی از گفت‌وگو با دولت او نداریم. ثانیاً، بله، ما موافق یک توافق هستیم، اما یک توافق منصفانه و متوازن. مشکل این است که وقتی آمریکایی‌ها از یک توافق صحبت می‌کنند، در واقع می‌خواهند خواسته‌های خود را دیکته کنند و این همان چیزی است که همین دو ماه پیش در نیویورک تجربه کردیم.

ما آماده مذاکره هستیم، اما نه برای دیکته شدن. ما آماده توافق هستیم، اما برای توافقی منصفانه و متوازن، نه یک توافق یک‌طرفه. مشکل همین است. در لحظه‌ای که به این نتیجه برسیم که آمریکا رویکرد خود را تغییر داده و به‌جای دیکته کردن، آماده یک مذاکره واقعی و یک توافق منصفانه و متوازن است، ما هم آماده خواهیم بود. آنگاه می‌توانیم آن را بررسی کنیم.

The Economist: I know you don’t want to go into the details of what has been negotiated with Steve Witcoff, but the basic disagreement is whether you do any enrichment of uranium. Is your position still we must?

می‌دانم نمی‌خواهید وارد جزئیات مذاکراتتان با استیو ویتکاف شوید، اما اختلاف اصلی این است که آیا ایران غنی‌سازی اورانیوم انجام دهد یا نه. آیا موضع شما همچنان همان است؟

Mr Araghchi: Well yes, you know, at that time, the US wanted zero enrichment, and I made it clear for Steve Witkoff that this is impossible. The enrichment has been very costly for us for more than 20 years. We were sanctioned because of that. And this is a very valuable achievement of our own scientists. We haven’t imported enrichment and its facilities and its machines. We have created them. We have achieved it by ourselves. And we were sanctioned because of that for more than 20 years. And our scientists were assassinated so there is the blood of our scientists over that even before this war. And now we have had a very extensive war for 12 days. More than a thousand Iranians were killed because of that. So there is no way to give up enrichment in Iran. This is a fact.

می‌دانید، در آن زمان آمریکا خواهان «غنی‌سازی صفر» بود. من برای استیو ویتکاک روشن کردم که این غیرممکن است. غنی‌سازی بیش از 20 سال برای ما بسیار پرهزینه بوده است. ما به همین دلیل تحریم شدیم. غنی سازی دستاورد بسیار ارزشمند دانشمندان خودمان است. ما تأسیسات مهم غنی‌سازی و توسعه‌های مرتبط را داریم. ما آن‌ها را خودمان ساخته‌ایم. خودمان آن‌ها را به دست آورده‌ایم. و به‌خاطر همین موضوع بیش از 20 سال تحریم شدیم. دانشمندان ما ترور شدند. بنابراین، این موضوع با خون دانشمندان ما گره خورده است، حتی قبل از این جنگ. اکنون 12 روز جنگ بسیار گسترده داشته‌ایم. بیش از هزار ایرانی در نتیجه آن کشته شده‌اند. پس هیچ راهی برای کنار گذاشتن غنی‌سازی وجود ندارد. این یک واقعیت است.

During the negotiation, Steve Witkoff insisted on zero enrichment, and I said, look, zero enrichment is impossible, but zero weapon is possible. If you want us to go for zero nuclear weapons, we have a deal. You want zero enrichment? We don’t have a deal. And then we tried to be creative and find a compromise solution, and at least three times we came to a good creative solution which could make both sides happy. But unfortunately he couldn’t deliver it in Washington.

در مذاکرات استیو ویتکاک بر صفر شدن غنی‌سازی اصرار داشت. من گفتم: ببینید، غنی‌سازی صفر، غیرممکن است. اما سلاح هسته‌ای صفر ممکن و در دسترس است. اگر می‌خواهید به سمت سلاح صفر برویم، توافق داریم. اگر غنی‌سازی صفر می‌خواهید، توافق نداریم. سپس تلاش کردیم خلاق باشیم و یک راه‌حل مصالحه پیدا کنیم. حداقل سه بار به یک راه‌حل خوب و خلاقانه رسیدیم، که می‌توانست هر دو طرف را راضی کند. اما متأسفانه آن‌ها نتوانستند آن را نهایی کنند. ( او نتوانست آن را در واشنگتن ارائه دهد)

The Economist: Is Iran currently enriching uranium in practice? Or are you at the stage of zero enrichment?

شما گفته‌اید که اسرائیل به میز مذاکره حمله کرد. آیا این بدان معناست که شما هنوز به دستیابی به توافق با دولت ترامپ پس از پایان یافتن پرونده در شورای امنیت سازمان ملل متحد امیدوار هستید؟

Mr Araghchi: We are not enriching because our facilities have been attacked so there are many risks. So it is now stopped.

ما غنی‌سازی نمی‌کنیم چون تأسیسات ما مورد حمله قرار گرفته و خطرات زیادی وجود دارد. بنابراین اکنون متوقف شده است. (ببینید، یکی از راه‌حل‌هایی که احتمال داشت در دور ششم مورد توافق قرار گیرد این بود که اگر به توافقی با آمریکا دست پیدا کنیم، دیگر نیازی به ارجاع موضوع به شورای امنیت نخواهد بود. اما در همان لحظه‌ای که آن‌ها میز مذاکره را بر هم زدند، یعنی اسرائیلی‌ها و حامیانشان در ایالات متحده. آن ها فضایی بسیار ناخوشایند ایجاد کردند که اجازه نداد بتوانیم به توافق برسیم یا مذاکرات را ادامه دهیم. بله، ما طرفدار دیپلماسی هستیم. اما دیپلماسی نیازمند یک فضای مناسب،یک فضای سیاسی درست و قابل اعتماد است. بنابراین این آمریکا و اسرائیل بودند که آن فضا را تخریب کردند. تا زمانی که آن فضای مناسب ایجاد نشود، ما نمی‌توانیم گفت‌وگو کنیم، نمی‌توانیم مذاکره کنیم.)

The Economist: The IAEA is consistently asked for access to all of Iran’s existing nuclear sites. You so far have said no. Can you envisage a time when you open all your sites to nuclear inspectors?

Mr Araghchi: As a matter of fact, we have to accept, and the IAEA has already accepted that the situation has changed on the ground. We asked the Agency whether there is any protocol, any regulation to inspect an attacked nuclear facility and there is no protocol like that because there is no precedent. No safeguarded peaceful nuclear facility has been attacked so far so there is no precedent on how to inspect them after the attack. Obviously there are security risks; there are safety risks; there is unexploded material, rockets and things like that; there is the risk of radiation; there are still threats by the US that if anybody approached those facilities they would attack.

So, we need a modality: how to inspect those facilities. And we tried to achieve that modality when I went to Cairo, and Rafael Grossi also came to Cairo, and we made a Cairo agreement. In the Cairo agreement, we divided Iran’s nuclear facilities into two categories. Those who have been attacked, those who have not been attacked. For the un-attacked facilities, there is business as usual and they have been able to visit and inspect. Of course, we have a new law in our parliament, adopted by our parliament which makes a new way to do inspection, but it doesn’t make it impossible. So for un-attacked facilities, business as usual, they have inspected, and Rafael Grossi mentioned that in his latest report in Vienna.

For attacked facilities, we need to negotiate, and Raphael has accepted that we need to negotiate how to inspect those facilities. But unfortunately right after the Cairo Argument, the E3 and the US decided to go to the UN Security Council and activate the snapback, and now the Board of Governors are introducing a new draft resolution against Iran. So it is E3 and the US who are making this job difficult and impossible. Otherwise, we would be ready to co-operate with the agency.

The Economist: Can I ask about a third possible category: there was a suspicion that some of the enriched uranium was removed from the sites before the attacks?

Mr Araghchi: No. That did not happen.

The Economist: You can say that categorically?

Mr Araghchi: No. All of our enriched material are under the rubble. They have not been recovered yet and we don’t have any intention to recover them before we come to that modality with the Agency.

The Economist: How prepared are you if there were a follow-on Israeli attack on Iran?

Mr Araghchi: We are even more prepared than the previous war.

The Economist: Can you elaborate: In what way are you prepared?

Mr Araghchi: Our missiles are in a better position, quantity-wise and quality-wise. We have learned many lessons during the 12-day war. We understood our weak points and our points of strength, and the Israelis’ weak points. We have worked on all of them and we are fully prepared even better than the previous time. It doesn’t mean that we want war. As you know, the best way to prevent a war is to be prepared for that. And we are fully prepared and I don’t think they would dare to repeat the same mistake and the same failed experience.

The Economist: Are your people prepared? It was striking in the last war that Iranians unlike Israelis didn’t have shelters to go to. There were very few warnings. Your skies were exposed. What are the assurances you can give your own population that this time they are protected?

Mr Araghchi: As I said, we have learned our lessons.

The Economist: Can I ask you whether the actions of the United States and Israel, and you mentioned Europe, are pushing Iran to have a closer relationship with Russia and China? Are you turning eastwards because of what’s been happening?

Mr Araghchi: Well that has been an important factor. Our policy has always been to have balanced relations with both East and West. We want to be a truly independent country, not relying on any other country whether in the West or East. But we have to acknowledge that it was the Western countries who actually made us understand that China and Russia are better friends than them.

The Economist: One signal that you could send about your readiness to look at new possibilities in the region would be over the latest UN Security Council resolution on Trump’s 20-point plan for Gaza. Is this a resolution that Iran accepts or does it take the position of Hamas that it is unacceptable?

Mr Araghchi: Our position is clear. Obviously we welcome any decision, any move which can stop the genocide in Gaza, which can stop the killing of Palestinians in Gaza, which can open the way for humanitarian assistance, which can help peace in that region and the reconstruction of the damaged places. But at the same time we have our own concerns, and these are real concerns. We think that the rights for self-determination of Palestinians have been actually undermined by this resolution and has been seriously ignored. The right of Palestinians for statehood and having their own state is very weak in the language of that resolution. It has made Palestinians somehow under the guardianship of a group of other countries. Even the role of the Security Council and the United Nations is weakened and undermined, and many other points. So we have our own concerns, but at the same time we don’t object to anything which can actually stop the suffering of Palestinians.

The Economist: One of the points in that plan is that all sides should accept to live at peace with the other and to have a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Is that a position that Iran can endorse?

Mr Araghchi: Actually it is up to the Palestinians themselves to accept this resolution or not. We just express our opinion.

The Economist: Can I ask you about your relationships in the region and how they are changing? It seems that you have a rapprochement with Saudi Arabia in the last couple of years, and also your ability to shape the region has been reduced because of the impact on Hizbullah and Hamas and others. What is the future of Iran within this region? Are you changing the nature of your power here?

Mr Araghchi: Iran is a major player in this region, no doubt about that. Iran is a big country with certain capabilities and we have tried to establish a very good neighbourly policy with all of the countries in the region—in the Persian Gulf area and in the Middle East, except Israelis that we don’t recognise. And I think we have been quite successful in our approach to the countries of the region. We have been able to rebuild confidence, especially with Saudi Arabia, and also with others—with Egypt, with Jordan, with each and every country. I have travelled to all of them in the past 12 months, even to Bahrain, with whom we don’t have relations, to Egypt, I think three, four times. And we have tried to build confidence and to make sure that they don’t misunderstand the real threat of the region. I think Netanyahu has made so many crimes. He is responsible for genocide, killings and everything but he has done something positive at the same time. He made crystal clear for each and every country in the region that the real threat is Israel and not Iran. And this is the real lesson that every country in the region learned after they attacked us and Qatar. In the past two years Israel has attacked seven countries in this region and has killed more than 70,000 people in Gaza and elsewhere. So it’s now obvious for everyone in the region who is the real threat.

The Economist: Is Israel the hegemon in the region?

Mr Araghchi: Obviously it’s trying to be the hegemon in the region. But I don’t think that the region can digest that.

The Economist: We were comparing Africa and the Middle East. It seems that people in Africa can accept the colonial carve-up of the continent. They’ve come to terms with borders, they’ve found some way of living in peace within each other’s borders. But the Middle East seems incapable of moving on. Can you imagine an age where the countries of the Middle East can live at peace with each other, Israel included?

Mr Araghchi: Let’s put Israel aside because I don’t think it belongs to this region. But I think the countries of this region can live in peace. There are many commonalities amongst all of them. But the only problem is the foreign interference, especially in the security of this region. And we believe that the moments that foreign forces have left this region, we would be in a better position to work with each other and live with each other in peace.

The Economist: Maybe it is a nice dream that foreign interference will stop, but probably it will not. Can you state again what would be your main message to Donald Trump? What should he do now to avoid worse trouble in this region? What would your main messages be to Donald Trump today?

Mr Araghchi: It is interesting that you yourself admit that foreign interference in this region exists. So this is the main source of the problem in the Middle East. The message to all foreign powers is just to leave this region alone and let the countries of this region decide for themselves.

The Economist: One last question about Iranians abroad. You have millions of Iranians living in the West and countries around the world. They are anxious to maintain ties with their country of origin. But they are very afraid about coming back to Iran because they fear that they could be subject to arrest or their families could be subject to intimidation. What assurance can you give them, if any, that Iran is safe for them to return?

Mr Araghchi: My understanding is different from yours. Every year we have hundreds of thousands of Iranians living outside the country who visit their homeland. Yes, there are a few who have faced problems here because of the previous problems that they had inside the country. But the number is very, very limited. Of course, there are lots of noises about that, lots of perhaps a negative atmosphere, created mostly by media. But in reality, as the figures on the borders prove, there are millions of Iranians who visit their homeland every year. But I do accept that we have to work more to make them more comfortable when they decide to come back to Iran. We have to confront the negative atmosphere which has been created mostly by media outside of Iran.

The Economist: We are fascinated in Europe about the relationship between Iran and Russia, and we know that the war in Ukraine and Iran gave some help to Russia, which is a form, perhaps, of foreign interference. What is your current relationship with Russia?

Mr Araghchi: We have signed an agreement for a strategic partnership. It was signed last year between the two presidents. Iran and Russia have always enjoyed very good relations. They have been very helpful to us in many different directions. And we have enjoyed co-operation in many different fields, including on military questions. We never accepted the aggression to Ukraine. This is what I have to emphasise. We always supported the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. And we always asked for a peaceful settlement of the dispute between the two countries. But as I said, military co-operation between Iran and Russia is not something new. It goes back many years. And the purpose of our military co-operation was only for our defensive purposes. And that has been our position from the beginning.

The Economist: Have they given you any assurances that your skies will be protected in the event of another Israeli attack?

Mr Araghchi: The Russians helped us a lot during the 12-day war, and after that we have been engaged in more cooperation than before, and this is why I am telling you that we are even more prepared than the previous war.

Iranian Foreign Mininster Abbas Araghchi made the remarks after the United Nations Security Council meeting on Friday to discuss the a Russia-China drafted resolution to extend Resolution 2231 for six months. The full text of his speech is as follows:

آقای عباس عراقچی وزیر امور خارجه ایران بعد از جلسه روز جمعه شورای امنیت برای رای‌گیری در مورد قطعنامه چین و روسیه برای تمدید قطعنامه شماره ۲۲۳۱ سخنرانی کردند که متن کامل آن به شرح زیر است.

Good afternoon, everyone. Thank you for being here.

بعدازظهر شما بخیر؛ از حضورتان سپاسگزارم.

The Council just voted on a draft by China and Russia to give diplomacy another chance. Under U.S. pressure, the Council refused. This is the second time in one week that diplomacy has been blocked.

شورای امنیت لحظاتی پیش درباره پیش‌نویس ارائه‌شده از سوی چین و روسیه برای دادن فرصتی دوباره به دیپلماسی رأی‌گیری کرد. شورای امنیت این پیش‌نویس قطعنامه را تحت فشار ایالات متحده، رد کرد. این دومین بار در یک هفته است که دیپلماسی مسدود می‌شود.

In my address to the Council, I highlighted the following points:

در سخنرانی خود در شورا، نکات زیر را مورد تأکید قرار دادم:

For over twenty years, Iran has been a responsible member of the NPT. We pursued our inalienable right to peaceful nuclear energy with transparency.In 2015, after two years of talks, the JCPOA was reached. It was endorsed unanimously by Resolution 2231.The IAEA issued 15 consecutive reports confirming Iran’s full compliance. No other nuclear program has been inspected more.

برای بیش از بیست سال، ایران عضو مسئول ان‌پی‌تی بوده است. ما حق غیرقابل سلب خود برای انرژی هسته‌ای صلح‌آمیز را با شفافیت دنبال کردیم. در سال ۲۰۱۵، پس از دو سال مذاکره، برجام حاصل شد. این توافق به اتفاق آراء با قطعنامه ۲۲۳۱ تأیید شد. آژانس بین‌المللی انرژی اتمی ۱۵ گزارش متوالی صادر کرد که پایبندی کامل ایران را تأیید نمود. هیچ برنامه هسته‌ای دیگری این‌چنین تحت بازرسی قرار نگرفته است.

Yet in 2018, the U.S. walked away from the deal in violation of Resolution 2231. No legal grounds. No justification. Iran remained fully compliant for a year. Only after the E3 failed to honor their promises did Iran take lawful, gradual remedial measures.

با این حال، در سال ۲۰۱۸، ایالات متحده از توافق خارج شد و قطعنامه ۲۲۳۱ را نقض کرد؛ بدون مبنای حقوقی. بدون هیچ توجیهی! ایران به مدت یک سال کاملاً پایبند باقی ماند. تنها پس از آنکه سه کشور اروپایی به وعده‌های خود عمل نکردند، ایران اقدامات جبرانی مشروع و تدریجی اتخاذ کرد.

Today’s crisis is the direct result of U.S. withdrawal and Europe’s inaction. The U.S. betrayed diplomacy. The E3 buried it.

بحران امروز نتیجه مستقیم خروج ایالات متحده و بی‌عملی اروپا است. ایالات متحده به دیپلماسی خیانت کرد. سه کشور اروپایی آن را به خاک سپردند.

For years, the U.S. and the E3 misrepresented Iran’s peaceful program. They echoed Israel’s false claims — even as Israel maintains the region’s only nuclear arsenal, outside the NPT. The double standard is glaring.

سال‌هاست که ایالات متحده و سه کشور اروپایی برنامه صلح‌آمیز ایران را تحریف کرده‌اند. آنان ادعاهای دروغین رژیم اسرائیل را تکرار کردند، در حالی که این رژیم تنها دارنده زرادخانه هسته‌ای در منطقه، خارج از ان‌پی‌تی است. این استاندارد دوگانه آشکار و زننده است.

Despite assassinations, sanctions, and bombings of IAEA-monitored facilities, Iran has not violated the JCPOA, the NPT, or our Safeguards obligations. When the former U.S. administration called for dialogue, Iran responded in good faith. Five rounds of talks were held. On the eve of the sixth, Israel — with U.S. backing — attacked nuclear facilities in Iran and murdered our scientists, including women and children. This was state terrorism. It was never condemned by the E3.

با وجود ترورها، تحریم‌ها و بمباران تأسیسات تحت نظارت آژانس، ایران نه برجام، نه ان‌پی‌تی و نه تعهدات پادمانی خود را نقض نکرده است. هنگامی‌که دولت پیشین ایالات متحده خواستار گفت‌وگو شد، ایران با حسن نیت پاسخ داد. پنج دور گفت‌وگو برگزار شد. در آستانه دور ششم، رژیم اسرائیل با پشتیبانی ایالات متحده، به تأسیسات هسته‌ای در ایران حمله کرد و دانشمندان ما، از جمله زنان و کودکان را به قتل رساند. این اقدام، تروریسم دولتی بود. هرگز از سوی سه کشور اروپایی محکوم نشد.

Instead of diplomacy, the E3 pursued snapback. Iran, by contrast, signed a new memorandum with the IAEA on 9 September in Cairo. It was welcomed by the Agency and the international community. But in New York, all of Iran’s constructive proposals were ignored.

به‌جای دیپلماسی، سه کشور اروپایی به دنبال بازگشت‌پذیر رفتند. ایران، در مقابل، در ۹ سپتامبر در قاهره یادداشت تفاهمی‌با آژانس امضا کرد. این اقدام از سوی آژانس و جامعه بین‌المللی مورد استقبال قرار گرفت. اما در نیویورک، تمام پیشنهادهای سازنده ایران نادیده گرفته شد.

Russia and China acted responsibly. They proposed a six-month extension of Resolution 2231 to preserve diplomacy.The E3 and the U.S. blocked it. Their words and actions do not match. Their goal is confrontation, not dialogue.

روسیه و چین مسئولانه عمل کردند. آنان پیشنهاد دادند که قطعنامه ۲۲۳۱ به مدت شش ماه تمدید شود تا دیپلماسی حفظ گردد. سه کشور اروپایی و ایالات متحده آن را مسدود کردند. سخنان آنان با اقداماتشان تطابق ندارد. هدفشان تقابل است، نه گفت‌وگو.

Iran’s position on snapback is clear: it is illegal, void, and has no standing.

موضع ایران درباره بازگشت‌پذیر روشن است: این اقدام غیرقانونی، بی‌اعتبار و فاقد وجاهت است.

The E3, having breached the deal, cannot claim “significant non-performance.” Resolution 2231 restrictions will expire permanently on 18 October 2025. Any attempt to revive or extend them is null and void.

سه کشور اروپایی که خود توافق را نقض کرده‌اند، نمی‌توانند مدعی «نقض اساسی» شوند. محدودیت‌های قطعنامه ۲۲۳۱ در ۱۸ اکتبر ۲۰۲۵ برای همیشه منقضی خواهند شد. هر تلاشی برای احیاء یا تمدید آنها باطل و بی‌اعتبار است.

We call on the Security Council President to declare today’s decision illegal. We call on the Secretary-General to stay clear of any role in reviving expired sanctions. Those who pursue this unlawful path will bear full responsibility for damaging the UN’s credibility and for the humanitarian impact on the Iranian people.

ما از رئیس شورای امنیت می‌خواهیم تصمیم امروز را غیرقانونی اعلام کند. ما از دبیرکل می‌خواهیم از هرگونه نقش در احیای تحریم‌های منقضی‌شده پرهیز نماید. کسانی که این مسیر غیرقانونی را دنبال کنند، مسئولیت کامل آسیب به اعتبار سازمان ملل و نیز تبعات انسانی آن بر مردم ایران را بر عهده خواهند داشت.

This dangerous precedent must not stand. If agreements can be broken at will, no nation can trust international commitments. If unlawful measures are enforced by power instead of law, the Security Council itself will lose authority.

این سابقه خطرناک نباید تثبیت شود. اگر توافق‌ها بتوانند بنا به اراده نقض شوند، هیچ کشوری نمی‌تواند به تعهدات بین‌المللی اعتماد کند. اگر اقدامات غیرقانونی به‌جای قانون با قدرت اجرا شود، شورای امنیت خود اقتدارش را از دست خواهد داد.

Let me end with this: military attacks have failed. Snapback will fail, too. The only solution is dialogue. The JCPOA proves this.Iran will never bow to pressure. We respond only to respect. The choice is clear — escalation or diplomacy.

اجازه دهید با این نکته پایان دهم: حملات نظامی‌شکست خورده‌اند. بازگشت‌پذیر نیز شکست خواهد خورد. تنها راه‌حل، گفت‌وگوست. برجام این را ثابت کرده است. ایران هرگز در برابر فشار سر خم نخواهد کرد. ما تنها به احترام پاسخ می‌دهیم. انتخاب روشن است: تشدید تنش یا دیپلماسی.

The responsibility lies with those who broke their commitments and undermined international law.

مسئولیت بر عهده کسانی است که تعهدات خود را نقض کرده و حقوق بین‌الملل را تضعیف کرده‌اند.

واژه ها و عباراتی که در حین مطالعه مقالات روزنامه ها به چشمم می خورد را همانجا معنای انگلیسی اش را جستجو کرده و به همراه عین جمله روزنامه به عنوان مثالی زنده از واژه مورد نظر اضافه می کردم. (جمله هایی که جلوی آن علامت فلش ▶ یا ➡ است از روزنامه ها است) مجموعه این وازه ها و عبارات را اینجا می گذارم.

به عنوان بازی و برای تشویق بچه ها به نوشتن به خط فارسی تحریری، به بهانه همین کلمات، معنای فارسی آن را هم درآورده به فهرست اضافه کردم تا هر روز با نوشتن چند تا از این واژه ها به فارسی، تمرین خوشنویسی شود. با یک تیر بیش از دو سه نشان زده شد :)

hyperbole اغراق یا مبالغه
extravagant exaggeration a way of speaking or writing that makes someone or something sound bigger, better, more, etc. than they are: The blurb on the back of the book was full of the usual hyperbole - "enthralling", "fascinating", and so on.

precarious پرمخاطره
in a dangerous state because of not being safe or not being held in place firmly: The lorry was lodged in a very precarious way, with its front wheels hanging over the cliff.

poised to آماده ... بودن
If someone is poised to do something, they are ready to take action at any moment. Britain was poised to fly medical staff to the country at short notice. U.S. forces are poised for a massive air, land and sea assault. [ + for] Synonyms: ready, waiting, prepared, standing by More Synonyms of poised.
▶ US and Iranian envoys are poised to begin talks

Platitudes چرندیات، کلیشه، تکرار مکررات
a remark or statement, especially one with a moral content, that has been used too often to be interesting or thoughtful." he masks his disdain for her with platitudes about how she should believe in herself more." موضوع یا جمله‌ای معمولی و خسته‌کننده که نوید چیز جدیدی را نمی‌دهد.

empty platitude
An empty platitude is a statement or remark that is overused and lacks meaning. These phrases are often intended to comfort or encourage, but do not offer genuine substance or originality. They are a type of cliché that may seem profound on the surface but provide no real insight or practical value.
▶ More than empty platitudes? He expresses optimism on Oman nuclear talks

Beleaguered به ستوه آوردن، محاصره کردن
1. in a very difficult situation: "the board is supporting the beleaguered director amid calls for his resignation"
2. (of a place) surrounded by armed forces aiming to capture it or force surrender; besieged: "he led a relief force to the aid of the beleaguered city" director amid calls for his resignation."
➡️ Iran’s push for sanctions relief for its beleaguered economy in exchange for rolling back its nuclear program.

shouting from the bleachers
صندلی های ارزان ورزشگاه - میشه گفت معادل بیرون گود وایستاده میگه لنگش کن
like a person shouting from the bleachers, "My grandmother could have scored that goal."
The third issue is Iran. Israel has no influence on this issue. Netanyahu's importance in the matter is like a person shouting from the bleachers, "My grandmother could have scored that goal."

to square the circle تلاش برای انجام کاری غیرممکن و یا مشکل
If you try to square the circle, you try to do something that is very difficult or impossible.
➡ That's a deal-breaker for Iran. But this can also be resolved – supervised partial enrichment, at just one site, etc. in order to square the circle.

iron out the details صاف کردن - برطرف کردن مشکلات
to put something into a finished state by solving problems, removing differences, or taking care of details:
➡ Yet, all the diplomats working on the subject are optimistic that a provisional memorandum of understanding will be reached soon, enabling Trump to make an announcement, after which the professional teams will spend months ironing out the details.
to be caught between the devil and the deep blue sea
If you say that you are between the devil and the deep blue sea, you mean that you are in a difficult situation where you have to choose between two equally unpleasant courses of action.

apprehension نگرانی از آینده (در اینجا)، بازداشت
1 : suspicion or fear especially of future evil : foreboding: an atmosphere of nervous apprehension
2 : seizure by legal process : arrest: apprehension of a criminal
3 a : the act or power of perceiving or comprehending something : a person of dull apprehension
b : the result of apprehending something mentally : conception
according to popular apprehension
worry about the future, or a fear that something unpleasant is going to happen:
It's normal to feel a little apprehension before starting a new job.
One or two people have expressed apprehension about the changes.
Despite her apprehensions, she accepted the offer.
➡ Apprehension in Iran as Trump returns to power.

Ostensibly ظاهراً
as appears or is stated to be true, though not necessarily so; apparently.
"the party secretary resigned, ostensibly from ill health"

3 pronged سه جانبه
A two/three-pronged plan involves two/three different ways of achieving the same aim: The government has launched a two-pronged attack against poverty.

Ignominious مفتضحانه، ننگین، تحقیر آمیز
deserving or causing public disgrace or shame.
"the party risked ignominious defeat"

give sth a go دست به کاری زدن، کاری را امتحان کردن
to attempt something:
Only a few people are successful as professional athletes, but it's worth giving it a go.
If I got the opportunity I'd certainly give it a go.
We've got nothing to lose so let's give it a go.
I've been interested in growing my own food for a while, and since I've got an allotment this season, I thought I'd give it a go.

patch up; patching up; patches up آشتی کردن، وصله پینه زدن، بخیه زدن،
1 : to deal with (a problem, disagreement, etc.) in order to improve or repair a relationship
They finally patched up their differences.
He is going to try to patch things up with his girlfriend.
2 : to give quick and usually temporary medical treatment to (someone or something)
The doctor patched him up, so he's going to be as good as new. She patched up his wounded arm.
تعمیر کردن و رفو کردن یک لباس یا یک شکاف قبل اینکه بیشتر بشه یا خراب تر بشه را هم می گویند
my trousers were worn out through the knees and thighs and badly needed patching up.
I patched up my trousers on the front and back.

Skimp مضایقه کردن، صرفه‌جویی کردن، کم خرج کردن
expend or use less time, money, or material on something than is necessary in an attempt to economize.
"don't skimp on insurance when you book your holidays"
Americans are keeping their vehicles for longer—but they’re skimping on repairs

Exculpate تبرئه کردن، رفع اتهام کردن ، مبرا کردن
show or declare that (someone) is not guilty of wrongdoing.
"the article exculpated the mayor"
The Iranian court ignored many exculpating factors.

recriminations اتهام متقابل
an accusation in response to one from someone else.
"There are no tears, no recriminations"
➡In the aftermath of Assad’s fall to insurgents led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), recriminations have mounted within Tehran’s leadership.

bristle موی زبر، موی قلم مو، ناگهان ناراحت و خشمگین شدن
1. (of hair or fur) Stand upright away from the skin, typically as a sign of anger or fear.
"the hair on the back of his neck bristled"
➡While many U.S. diplomats and others have bristled at the National Security Council’s past bigfooting, there’s nonetheless an appreciation for what that body and the national security adviser do.

2. be covered with or abundant in. the roof bristled with antennae

brash گستاخی، پررویی، از خود مطمئن
- self-assertive in a rude, noisy, or overbearing way.
"he was brash, cocky, and arrogant"
➡ Frictions with Washington over trade and tech make selling that messaging more important for Beijing, as it needs friends now more than ever. And it sees US President Donald Trump’s brash “America First” foreign policy as creating an opening there.

having an ostentatious or tasteless appearance.
"the cafe was a brash new building

unfettered بدون محدودیت، نامحدود
not controlled or restricted, free, unrestrained.
unfettered access to the Senate.
➡ They remember Muammar Qaddafi, the Libyan dictator, who surrendered weapons of mass destruction in exchange for a lifting of sanctions, and Saddam Hussein, who granted UN monitors unfettered access to Iraq

alluded ضمنی اشاره کردن، تلویحاً گفتن
to speak of or mention (something or someone) in an indirect way. I'm interested in hearing more about the technology you alluded to a minute ago.
➡ Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, in his first public address about events in Syria, blamed the United States and Israel for Mr. al-Assad’s downfall, referring to the rebels who toppled him as “aggressors” with competing motives who were serving their masters. He also alluded to Turkey’s support for some of the rebels in Syria.

fly in the face of کاملا تضاد یا مغایرت داشتن، جور درنیامدن
go against: This action flies in the face of the agreement
➡ ... But his speech flew in the face of the reality on the ground in Syria, where the army quickly folded as the rebels advanced and Syrians — young and old, men and women — celebrated the downfall of a tyrannical ruler by dancing in the streets chanting, “Freedom.

go out on a limb دل را به دریا زدن ، به خاطر کسی یا چیزی ریسک کردن
to do something risky or extreme, which puts you in a position of weakness. It seems to me that you would prefer to stay in your present situation rather than go out on a limb and try something completely new.
➡ Even Hamas, the Gazan militants for whom Hezbollah in Lebanon went out on a limb, issued a statement congratulating the Syrian rebels on their victory and declared it was standing with the Syrian people.

take the plunge تصمیم گرفتن و کاری انجام دادن، دل به دریا زدن
to make a decision to do something, especially after thinking about it for a long time: They're finally taking the plunge and getting married. Decisions and deciding.
➡ Netanyahu later clarified that he was only advocating self-sufficiency in arms production, not cutting off all trade, but it was too late. The Tel Aviv stock exchange had already taken a plunge.

linchpin رکن اساسی، پایه اصلی
1. a person or thing vital to an enterprise or organization.
"Nurses are the linchpin of the National Health Service"
2. a pin passes through the end of an axle to keep a wheel in position.
➡ “Syria was a linchpin to Iran’s regional plan, the encircling of Israel in a ring of fire,” said Matthew Levitt, director of the counterterrorism program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a research organization.“

reel تلوتلو خوردن، گیج خوردن
2. lose one's balance and stagger or lurch violently.
"he punched Connolly in the ear, sending him reeling"

befuddled گیج و مبهوت شدن
unable to think clearly; confused or perplexed.
"Even in my befuddled state, I could see that they meant trouble"
➡Latin American presidents will hold an emergency summit on Thursday to respond to President Donald Trump’s mass deportations of migrants as they reel from his aggressive tactics towards two of Washington’s traditional regional allies.

resigned کناره گیری کردن، استعفا دادن
having accepted something unpleasant that one cannot do anything about.
"my response is a resigned shrug of the shoulders"
➡ They said that Iranian leaders were now resigned to accepting any level of diplomatic presence, however small, that Syria’s new leaders allowed.

Launchpad: سکوی پرتاب ، مرکز
Something that provides you with the opportunity to follow a particular plan of action: Forty-five Japanese companies chose Wales as their European launch pad.
➡“The first priority right now is to make sure Syria does not turn into a base against Iran and a launchpad to attack its interests in Iraq or Lebanon.”

Reckoning محاسبه و ارزیابی کردن
calculation or number you estimate
➡the war will likely force a reckoning with the foundations of Iran’s military strategy.


sugar-coat خوب جلوه دادن چیزی نامطلوب
2. make superficially attractive or acceptable.
"you won't see him sugar-coat the truth"
➡ He said that any official sugarcoating would not soften the severe blow.

chastised شدیداً سرزنش کردن
rebuke or reprimand severely: "he chastised his colleagues for their laziness"
punish, especially by beating: "The general cruelly chastised them with a whip"
➡ After the Assad regime was overturned, Syrians stormed the Iranian Embassy in Damascus... And Ahmed al-Shara, the Islamist rebel leader who spearheaded the insurgency, chastised Iran publicly.

scathing (سخن) تند، (حمله) کوبنده
witheringly scornful; severely critical.
"he unleashed a scathing attack on his former boss"
takedown: degrade
➡The veteran who fought in Syria’s civil war and now runs a local news site, posted a scathing takedown of his country's “catastrophic failure” in Syria in a widely circulated essay.

In a fit of pique آزرده خاطر بودن، رنجیده بودن، دلخور و ناراحت بودن
the feeling of annoyance you have when you think someone has not treated you properly.
to use something or someone that you have used many times before in a way that is boring for other people.

wheel out:دوباره استدلال، چهره، ایده یا شعاری را پیش کشیدن
to use something or someone that you have used many times before in a way that is boring for other people
➡ In a fit of pique after sustaining a major geopolitical blow, he wheeled out the usual suspects. “The main plotter, the main planner, the main agent, the main command room is in the United States and in the Zionist regime,”

tirade نطق غرا، سخنرانی طولانی و شدیداللحن
a long, angry speech of criticism or accusation. "a tirade of abuse"
➡ the leader of the militant group Hizbollah unleashed a tirade against the US envoy

stave off به تأخیر انداختن یا جلوگیری کردن از وضعیتی سخت یا بد.
avert or delay something bad or dangerous.
"a reassuring presence can stave off a panic attack"
➡ Tehran is looking to stave off the return of U.N. Security Council sanctions.

sprawling گسنرده، پخش شده.
spreading out over a large area in an untidy or irregular way. "the sprawling suburbs"
➡ Hundreds of civilians died in June, when Israeli bombs and missiles rained down for 12 days across Tehran, a sprawling city of 10 million people, leaving it bloodied and reeling.

sprawl: ولو شدن، دراز کشیدن
intransitive verb. If you sprawl somewhere, you sit or lie down with your legs and arms spread out in a careless way. She sprawled on the couch, watching TV. Synonyms: loll, slump, lounge, flop

myriad فراوانی، تعداد بسیار زیاد
1.a countless or extremely great number of people or things."there's a myriad of islands to explore"
➡There have so far been no solutions to the myriad of internal problems facing the country, particularly the ongoing dispute with Islamic hardliners over a stricter law on women's mandatory headscarf, or hijab.
➡ This scenario highlights how risky the strategy of “forcing” the American president into a broad military action truly is. Beyond the myriad moral and diplomatic considerations, it remains unclear whether the Israeli calculation aligns with Trump’s interests or personality in his second term. Even if he has blustered and threatened in the past, he may now aim for diplomatic achievements.
2. (chiefly in classical history) a unit of ten thousand.
"the army was organized on a decimal system, up to divisions of 10,000 or myriads"
Adjective. countless or extremely great in number."he gazed at the myriad lights of the city"

touch down فرود آمدن، روی زمین نشستن
"Touching down" implies landing correctly leaving the plane in a condition in which it can be refuelled and take off again
➡ Abbas Araghchi touched down in the Chinese capital on Friday afternoon, Iranian state media reported, to begin his first official visit to the country since being appointed foreign minister.

ebullient پرهیجان، پرحرارت، پراشتیاق
cheerful and full of energy. "she sounded ebullient and happy"
➡ A group of Israeli executives were in an ebullient mood earlier this year after seeing how exploding pagers, sent by the Mossad, had killed or maimed thousands of Hizbollah militants and civilians in Lebanon.

overwhelmed به شدت تحت تاثیر قرار دادن، گیج و سراسیمه کردن
1 EMOTION if someone is overwhelmed.ed by an emotion, they feel it so strongly that they cannot think clearly be overwhelmed by something Harriet was overwhelmed by a feeling of homesickness.be overwhelmed with something The children were overwhelmed with excitement. Grief overwhelmed me.
2 TOO MUCH if work or a problem overwhelms someone, it is too much or too difficult to deal withbe overwhelmed by something We were overwhelmed by the number of applications.be overwhelmed with something They would be overwhelmed with paperwork
3 SURPRISE SOMEBODY to surprise someone very much, so that they do not know how to react be overwhelmed by something I was completely overwhelmed by his generosity. We were overwhelmed by the sheer size of the place
4 DEFEAT SOMEBODY to defeat an army completely
In 1532 the Spaniards finally overwhelmed the armies of Peru.
5 WATER literary if water overwhelms an area of land, it covers it completely and suddenly

abuzz پر سروصدا، پر جنب‌وجوش
filled with a continuous humming sound. "the room was abuzz with mosquitoes"
➡ In recent months, it seems that the corridors of power in Jerusalem are abuzz with a strategy aimed at manipulating the United States into a war with Iran and Yemen.

round out تکمیل کردن
to bring to completion fullness: finish out
make something more complete: "his father insisted he went to university to round out his education

quip لطیفه، شوخی، بذله
a humorous and clever remark: It was Oscar Wilde who made the famous quip about life mimicking art. / The senator made several quips during the interview.
➡“What did Mike Tyson say? You have the best plans and then you get hit in the face,” quips Antony Blinken when I ask him to take stock of the past four years.

fathom درک کردن، فهمیدن
a unit of length equal to six feet (1.8 metres), chiefly used in reference to the depth of water.
"sonar says that we're in eighteen fathoms"
verb
1. understand (a difficult problem or an enigmatic person) after much thought.
"the locals could not fathom out the reason behind his new-found prosperity"
➡ The darkness at the heart of the Putin regime or the North Korean regime or the Iranian regime can be hard for sunny Americans to fathom. I hope it isn’t hard for the Chinese to fathom.

palisade دیواره حصار (با دیرک‌های چوبی و...)
1. a fence of wooden stakes or iron railings fixed in the ground, forming an enclosure or defense.
"at this time fortifications consisted mainly of earth banks and wooden palisades"
➡ A firefighter battles the Eaton Fire in Altadena. A burned car sits next to the remains of a home that was destroyed by the Palisades Fire in Malibu.
2.US a line of high cliffs.
3rd person present: palisades
enclose or provide (a building or place) with a palisade.
"he palisaded the ends of the streets, and made the town a roughly fortified camp"

incarcerate زندانی کردن، حبس کردن
imprison or confine. "many are incarcerated for property offenses."

bona fide موجه، واقعی، اصلی
adjective: genuine; real. "she was a bona fide expert"
adverb - Law: without intention to deceive.
"the court will assume that they have acted bona fide"

untenable غیر قابل دفاع
adjective : (especially of a position or view) not able to be maintained or defended against attack or objection.
"this argument is clearly untenable"
➡ Only Trump Can Go to Tehran. / For a leader with fewer conservative bona fides, such a bold diplomatic initiative would be politically untenable.

adage ضرب المثل، پند
a proverb or short statement expressing a general truth. "the old adage ‘out of sight out of mind’"
➡ This paradoxical combination of hawkish reputation and pragmatic diplomacy led to the adage “Only Nixon can go to China,” highlighting the unique circumstances and character that enabled a historic rapprochement.

unheeded (left unheeded) نشنیده گرفته شده، مورد بی اعتنایی قرار گرفته، جدی گرفته نشده.
adjective : heard or noticed but disregarded. "my protest went unheeded"
➡ With considerable influence over Hezbollah, Iran has the capacity to facilitate the group’s transformation into a primarily political organization. This offer was reportedly transmitted to the United States in the early 2000s but left unheeded.

entrench جای‌گیر شدن، جا افتادن
(of an attitude, habit, or belief) firmly established and difficult or unlikely to change; ingrained.
"an entrenched resistance to change"
➡ Like Nixon’s historic overture to China, Trump faces a pivotal moment with the potential to redefine U.S.-Iranian relations and leave a lasting mark on U.S. foreign policy. A détente remains unlikely, given the entrenched animosities between Washington and Tehran, but targeted, transactional agreements that prioritize mutual interests could yield meaningful results.

shore up دیرک زدن برای جلوگیری از ریزش – اینجا : تقویت کردن، محکم کردن یا پشتیبانی کردن
to stop a wall or a building from falling down by supporting it with building materials such as wood or metal: Boundary walls have had to be shored up. to support or improve an organization, agreement, or system that is not working effectively or that is likely to fail
➡ Iran has shipped nearly three million barrels of oil from a storage site in China in a bid to raise funds that could be used to shore up Tehran’s allied militia groups in the Middle East

attune وفق دادن، هم اهنگ کردن، هم کوک کردن
make receptive or aware: "a society more attuned to consumerism than ideology"
accustom or acclimatize: "Students are not attuned to making a decision"
➡ FM: Iran to attune ties with any Syrian gov’t chosen by Syrian people

salvage نجات دادن چیزی از ویرانی و از بین رفتن
As a verb, salvage means to collect or rescue that sort of item, or more generally to save something from harm or ruin. ➡"The talks to salvage the JCPOA kicked off in the Austrian capital of Vienna in April 2021, with the intention of examining Washington’s seriousness in rejoining the deal and removing anti-Iran sanctions."
noun:
1 a : compensation paid for saving a ship or its cargo from the perils of the sea or for the lives and property rescued in a wreck
b : the act of saving or rescuing a ship or its cargo
c: the act of saving or rescuing property in danger (as from fire)
2 a: property saved from destruction in a calamity (such as a wreck or fire)
b: something extracted (as from rubbish) as valuable or useful

cannon fodder گوشت دم توپ، گوشت قربونی
soldiers regarded merely as material to be expended in war. "they ended up serving as cannon fodder in Vietnam"
➡ North Korean Troops Become Cannon Fodder for Russia

leitmotif بن مایه، درون مایه، موضوع مهم تکراری ، چیزی که در موزیک تکرار می شود
a recurrent theme throughout a musical or literary composition, associated with a particular person, idea, or situation. "there are two leitmotifs in his score marking the heroine and her Fairy Godmother"
➡ Under his America First leitmotif, incoming U.S. President Donald Trump appears poised to bring a shift in the United States' approach to the alliance with South Korea, North Korea's unabated nuclear threats, trade and other key issues.

stalwart تنومند، شجاع، قوی
loyal, reliable, and hard-working. "he remained a stalwart supporter of the cause"
➡ Trump has named stalwart loyalists for Cabinet posts in the absence of the "axis of adults" that can help stably guide the U.S.' foreign and security policy.

churn out پشت سرهم تولید کردن، تولید انبوه و سریع
- to produce large amounts of something quickly, usually something of low quality: The factory churns out thousands of pairs of these shoes every week. She churns out a new best-selling novel every year.
- to produce a large quantity of something very quickly: Churning out 90 million gallons a year, the facility has become one of the nation's largest biodiesel producers.
- churn: shake (milk or cream) in a machine in order to produce butter. - Churn in business, refers to the number of customers who end their relationship with a company within a given period.

bag تصاحب کردن، مال خودکردن
to get something before other people have a chance to take it: Bag us some decent seats if you get there first, won't you?
bag something for someone: I bagged a riverside table for us for lunch.
➡ The Iranians have installed more centrifuges of higher quality and they are churning out more uranium at a higher level, both as a pressure tactic against Washington and as a way to bag more leverage in the event nuclear talks recommence.

boil down: خلاصه شدن ( آب انداختن سبزیجات و کم حجم شدن آن هم معنی می دهد)
to reduce information, usually, so that it contains only its most important part: The boss wants me to boil down the ten-page sales report to one page.
➡ Foreign policy hawks like Lindsey Graham, who has advocated for bombing Iran’s nuclear program for as long as I’ve been alive, is jumping on television to push for the military option. The argument essentially boils down to this: A diplomatic agreement with Iran would cost too much for the United States, and the Iranians can’t be trusted anyway.

stint مضایقه کردن، دوره کاری، وظیفه محوله
- supply a very ungenerous or inadequate amount of (something)."stowage room hasn't been stinted"
- a person's fixed or allotted period of work. "his varied career included a stint as a magician" “During Trump’s previous stint in the White House, exports did drop.”

cornucopia وفور و فراوانی
A cornucopia is a lot of good stuff.
➡ Donald Trump begins his second stint in the White House with big plans and a world that looks quite different from the one he dealt with during his first term. He will inherit a cornucopia of foreign policy problems and international crises left over from the previous administration.

revoke باطل کردن، لغو کردن
to say officially that an agreement, permission, law, etc. is no longer in effect:
The authorities have revoked their original decision to allow the development of this rural area.
Synonyms: repeal rescind
➡ Trump Revokes Security Detail for Pompeo and Others Despite Threats From Iran

pittance چندرغاز، مبلغ ناچیز
a very small or inadequate amount of money.
"he paid his workers a pittance"
➡Trump’s team is staffed with Iran hawks who would like nothing more than to see Iranian power in the Middle East depreciate to a pittance.

foreboding دلواپسی، نفوس بد
a feeling that something very bad is going to happen soon:
- sense of foreboding: There's a sense of foreboding in the capital, as if fighting might at any minute break out.
- Her forebodings about the future were to prove justified.
- He had a strange foreboding (that) something would go wrong.
➡ given the Islamic Republic’s precarious standing in the Middle East, its ever-worsening economy tied to a collapsing currency and shortages of energy and gas, and a foreboding among many regime loyalists about their grip on Iranian society, Mr. Khamenei might be willing to make compromises in his nuclear aspirations in return for softened U.S. sanctions.

rankle آزاردهنده بودن، عذاب‌آور بودن
(of a comment or fact) cause continuing annoyance or resentment. "the casual manner of his dismissal still rankles"
➡ Trump's latest hires and fires rankle Iran hawks as new president suggests nuclear deal

diatribe انتقاد تلخ، سرزنش
a forceful and bitter verbal attack against someone or something: "a diatribe against consumerism"
➡ This year’s Davos felt different, though. A lot of that has to do with two leaders: U.S. President Donald Trump is the obvious one, even though he only beamed in from afar, and Argentina’s Javier Milei, who delivered a fiery diatribe against what he called “wokeism.”

dovish صفت است که به کسی یا چیزی اشاره دارد که از سیاست های صلح آمیز یا مصالحه جویانه حمایت می کند
supporting discussion or other peaceful solutions in political relationships rather than the use of force:
➡ Rumored for a Trump posting, Elbridge Colby’s dovish views on Iran stand out

propitious مناسب، مساعد
giving or indicating a good chance of success; favourable.
"the timing for such a meeting seemed propitious"
➡️ with Iran’s position in the Middle East so reduced by the weakening or collapse of its various proxies, this is a propitious moment for the United States and Israel to attack the nuclear program

stand-off تقابل ، رودررویی
A stand-off is a situation in which neither of two opposing groups or forces will make a move until the other one does something, so nothing can happen until one of them gives way

bête noire آدم یا چیز منفور آدم یا چیز مزاحم
a person or thing that you dislike very much or that annoys you:
My particular bête noire is cigarette butts being left in half-empty glasses.
➡️ The return of their bête noire to the White House comes just as Iran's long nuclear stand-off with the west comes to a head.

buoy شناور، بویه
1. keep (someone or something) afloat. "the creatures could swim, both buoyed up and cooled by the water"
2. mark with a buoy. "the wreck is often buoyed during summer months"
➡ Hardliners caution against US talks but others buoyed by Pentagon pick

bevy گروه، دسته
a large group or collection
outfox: defeat (someone) by being more clever or cunning than them.
➡ DeepSeek Used Bevy of Tactics To Outfox U.S.

batch دسته، گروه
noun: a quantity or consignment of goods produced at one time: "a batch of bread"
verb: arrange (things) in sets or groups. "I had nothing to do but batch the reports"
bolster تقویت کردن، مستحکم کردن
support or strengthen: "the fall in interest rates is starting to bolster confidence"

➡ Iran’s Air Force receives batch of Russian MiG-29s

➡Their arrival underscores Tehran’s urgency to bolster its aerial capabilities amid high regional tensions

moribund مردنی، در حال احتضار، رو به زوال، رو به موت
(of a person) at the point of death: "on examination, she was moribund and dehydrated"
(of a thing) in terminal decline; lacking vitality or vigour: "the moribund commercial property market"

restive: (of a person) unable to remain still, silent, or submissive, especially because of boredom or dissatisfaction: "the crowd had been waiting for hours and many were becoming restive"

arrow in the quiver: a strategy or option that could be used to achieve your objective.

➡ It has a moribund economy, a growing energy crisis and a restive population. Small wonder the it is relying on one of the few arrows left in its quiver—its nuclear programme.

adjudicate رای قانونی صادر کردن، حکم دادن
make a formal judgment on a disputed matter: "The Committee adjudicates on all betting disputes"
➡ The cease-fire committee, which doesn’t adjudicate alleged violations, has conveyed the complaints to Lebanon’s government

act as a judge in a competition: "we asked him to adjudicate at the local flower show"
pronounce or declare judicially: "he was adjudicated bankrupt"

decry (آزادانه) انتقاد کردن، نکوهش کردن
publicly denounce. "they decried human rights abuses"
➡ Senior Houthi politician Mohammed Ali al-Houthi, in a public rally Monday in the Yemeni capital San’a, decried the U.S. strikes as terrorism and threatened to escalate. “To Trump, we say: You have failed, and you do not scare us,” he said. “Do as you wish—we fear no one but God.”

kudos افتخار، تجلیل، ستایش
compliments or congratulations."kudos to everyone who put the event together"
➡ Kudos to all – most particularly those in theater and CENTCOM! Great. God bless.

spurn (با خشم یا تحقیر) رد کردن، نپذیرفتن

reject with disdain or contempt. to refuse to accept something or someone because you feel that thing or person is not worth having: She spurned my offers of help.
➡ They may have spurned Mr. Trump’s overture, but Iran’s foreign ministry said this week that it would issue a response.
➡The public, senior army officers and even some right-wing lawmakers support such a step. Or it can spurn a deal in order to continue a war that could spiral out of control at any time—and probably doom the 115 hostages who remain in Gaza as well.
➡ Leader Spurns Idea of Talks With U.S.

upend وارونه کردن، واژگون کردن، کله‌پا کردن
1. to set or turn on end 2. to upset or topple
➡ End to Gaza Truce Upends Normal Life

oscillate پس و پیش رفتن حرکت آونگی کردن، نوسان کردن (فیزیک)
move or swing back and forth in a regular rhythm.
"The grain pan near the front of the combine oscillates back and forth."
➡ US policy towards Iran has been defined for years by confrontation, with successive administrations oscillating between diplomatic engagement and economic warfare.

alternate متغیر بودن (بین دو حالت) یکی درمیان بودن
- change repeatedly between two contrasting conditions. "The stock market has alternated between positive and negative finishes through the last four trading days.
➡ U.S. President Donald Trump has alternated between making threats and suggesting negotiations with Iran.
- do or perform in turn repeatedly: "some adults who wish to alternate work with education"
- occur in turn repeatedly: "bouts of depression alternate with periods of elation"

squirm لولیدن، پیچ‌وتاب خوردن، وول خوردن
to move from side to side in an awkward way, sometimes because of nervousness, embarrassment, or pain
Nobody spoke for at least five minutes, and Rachel embarrassedly squirmed in her chair.
The fish squirmed on the ground for a few moments and then lay still.
➡ Sanctions have undoubtedly made Iran squirm. Iranian oil exports fell to nearly nothing in 2019...

brunt بدترین قسمت، مخرب ترین قسمت یک اقدام
the principal force, shock, or stress (as of an attack) : bear the brunt of the storm
➡ A university professor close to the government tells the authors that "as long as Iran is a state that believes in national sovereignty and will not kowtow to outside forces, we will continue to be on the brunt end of destructive U.S. policy. If it's not the nuclear issue, it's our ballistic missiles. If it's not our ballistic missiles, it'll be human rights. If it's not human rights, they'll find another reason."

astray گمراه، سرگردان
1: off the right path or route: straying
2: in error: away from what is proper or desirable
➡ Syrian air defenders shot down a Russian military plane in 2018, and also fired a missile that went astray and hit Cyprus.

snafu اشفته بودن، کج، درهم و برهم کردن.خطای فاحش
a situation in which nothing has happened as planned: The company isn't wholly to blame for the snafu.

squander برباد دادن، تلف کردن
waste (something, especially money or time) in a reckless and foolish manner.
"£100m of taxpayers' money has been squandered on administering the tax"
➡️UN Security Council is squandering unprecedented opportunity to halt Iran's nuclear development, warns expert

trove: تحفه، گنجینه، چیز پیدا شده
a large amount of something good, useful, or valuable, or a place where this can be found: The college holds a vast trove of documents relating to the politician. One of the largest troves of consumer data is kept by a Colorado market research firm.
➡ Iran's intelligence minister has said the country holds a vast trove of classified Israeli documents and plans to release them soon. The files detail Israel's nuclear program, foreign relations, and defense capabilities, according to state media.
➡ Iran has said it will soon start releasing information from a treasure trove of Israeli nuclear secrets it claims to have obtained, as European countries push for a vote this week on reimposing UN sanctions on Tehran over its nuclear programme.

feeble ضعیف، ناتوان، سست، عاجز، نحیف، کم زور، ضعیف کردن
lacking physical strength, especially as a result of age or illness.
"by now, he was too feeble to leave his room"
➡️ he appeared tired, dare one say feeble, during his June 26 address and seemed to get lost at times.

eulogist مدیحه‌سرا، مداح
a person who gives a speech containing great praise, especially for someone who has recently died: "He had chosen the eulogists for his funeral."
➡️"Eulogists compared him favourably to George Washington."
➡️ Another hint of Khamenei’s turn to nationalism surfaced when famed eulogist Mahmoud Karimi performed at the Ashura ceremony, and Khamenei requested he sing “Ey Iran Iran”—a patriotic rather than religious song.

hankering اشتیاق، آرزو
a strong desire to have or do something: "a hankering for family life"
➡️ Iran isn’t hankering for normal relations with the West either.

grapple گلاویز شدن دست به یقه شدن
engage in a close fight or struggle without weapons; wrestle: "passers-by grappled with the man after the knife attack"
➡️ What’s the U.S. policy to grapple with all of this?

kinetic جنبشی، حرکتی
relating to or resulting from motion.
(of a work of art) depending on movement for its effect.
Kinetic comes from a Greek verb meaning "to move." Used generally, kinetic can simply mean "animated," "dynamic," or "lively," but it also has more specific meanings in the realms of art and science. Kinetic drawings, sculptures, and installations have moving parts.
➡️ These kinetic actions were preceded by months of intelligence-gathering, sabotage, and cyber intrusions executed by Mossad, the Israeli foreign intelligence agency, and Israel’s Unit 8200.

lead-up منجر شدن، ختم شدن
an event, point, or sequence that leads up to something else: "the lead-up to Christmas is a stressful time for businesses"
➡️ Iranians Targeted With Spyware in Lead-Up to War With Israel

ensue به دنبال آمدن، در پی چیزی آمدن
happen or occur afterwards or as a result: The police officer said that he had placed the man under arrest and that a scuffle had ensued. The difficulties which ensued from their commitment to Cuba"
➡️ As panic spread, a run on all banks ensued. Iran’s largest commercial bank, Bank Melli, though untouched by the hack, couldn’t meet the demand for cash.

coalesce یکی کردن، یکی شدن
come together to form one mass or whole."the puddles had coalesced into shallow streams"
lift a fingerکنایه از دست به سیاه و سفید نزدن
make the slightest effort to do something, especially to help someone.
"he never lifted a finger to get Jimmy released from prison"

uptick روند صعودی
a small increase or slight upward trend.
"an uptick in foreign tourism"
➡️ Israelis Spying for Iran Are on the Uptick

chop off قطع کردن، بریدن
to remove something by cutting it with a sharp tool, often with a forceful or sudden action. It can refer to physically cutting off a part of something, like a limb or a branch, or figuratively cutting something off, like a relationship.
➡️Iran’s currency has plunged so much in value that Tehran plans to chop off four zeros from the rial

lop هرس کردن، شاخه‌های خشک را زدن
cut off (a branch, limb, or twig) from the main body of a tree.
"they lopped off more branches to save the tree"
remove branches from (a tree).
"they had lopped some trees without permission"
➡️Turkey, Romania and Zambia have all lopped digits from their notes after runaway inflation

assail حمله کردن هتاکی کردن، مورد ضرب و شتم قرار دادن، به شدت انتقاد کردن
1: to attack violently : assault “The military has for years been developing offensive capabilities, giving it the power not just to defend the US but to assail its foes.” —James Bamford
2 : to encounter, undertake, or confront energetically “When a lazy man does make up his mind to assail a piece of work, he is like a dog with a bone.”—P. G. Wodehouse
3 : to oppose, challenge, or criticize harshly and forcefully. “a proposal assailed by critics”
➡️Republic, openly assailing Khamenei for “violating the rights, dignity, and freedom of Iranians.
➡️Tajzadeh is notable for having chosen a third path. He has remained in the country but articulated a radical critique of the Islamic Republic, openly assailing Khamenei for “violating the rights, dignity, and freedom of Iranians” and calling for the leader’s position to be abolished.

tarnish لکه‌دار کردن، بی‌آبرو کردن
- If metal is tarnished, it has become less bright or a different colour:
The photographs were in tarnished silver frames.
- made to seem less good or respected:
By 2015, the company was starting to look a little tarnished.
➡️“We are still fighting for the ideals of 1979, which have now been tarnished under a dictatorship that tolerates no criticism,”

affinity رابطه نزدیک، همبستگی، علاقه
sympathy marked by community of interest : “She has an affinity to him because of their common musical interests”
(1): an attraction to or liking for something people with an affinity to darkness—Mark Twain
pork and fennel have a natural affinity for each other—Abby Mandel
(2): an attractive force between substances or particles that causes them to enter into and remain in chemical combination
➡The American affinity for force could overwhelm the diplomatic path to a durable resolution

showdown آزمایش نهایی، مقابله نهایی، مجادله نهایی
a final test or confrontation intended to settle a dispute: "he and his government were lurching towards an angry showdown with their critics"
(in poker or brag) the requirement at the end of a round that the players who remain in should show their cards to determine which is the strongest hand.
➡️Trump, Europe, and the ‘Snapback’ Showdown with Iran

lurch حرکت یا چرخش ناگهانی و بی‌تعادل به یک سمت (قایق و ...)
make an abrupt, unsteady, uncontrolled movement or series of movements; stagger: "the car lurched forward"
➡️ Is Trump’s authoritarian lurch following the playbook of Iran’s Ahmadinejad?

rancor خصومت دیرین
Rancour refers to a deep-seated, bitter anger and ill will, often stemming from a past grievance. It's a feeling of resentment and hostility that can be quite persistent.
➡️ Javad Zarif: In this time of rancour, fear and war, peaceful nuclear cooperation in the Middle East is still possible.

reticent ساکت، محتاط در سخن، کم گو
not revealing one's thoughts or feelings readily.
"she was extremely reticent about her personal affairs"
➡️ Iran might be reticent to create a crisis

conundrum مسئله بغرنج وپیچیده
a confusing and difficult problem or question.
"one of the most difficult conundrums for the experts"
➡️ At the heart of the normalization process, from its inception, was the American belief that unless connectivity is established and the transit route issue addressed, Baku will weaponize the so-called “Zangezur Corridor” precept to relaunch hostilities. Thus, for Washington, normalization began with finding a solution to the transit route conundrum.

dislodge از جا کندن بیرون آوردن
remove from a position of power or authority: "government opponents failed to dislodge the Prime Minister"

entrenchment نهادینگی، نهادینه شدن
process or fact of an attitude, habit, or belief becoming so firmly established that change is very difficult or unlikely.
"this book demonstrates the entrenchment of certain views and paradigms in financial history"
➡️ The deeper the it’s entrenchment, the harder it will be for the US and Israel to dislodge.
2.a trench or system of trenches dug by troops to provide a place of shelter from enemy fire.
"the English dug entrenchments and moved forward"

gasp نفس نفس زدن، نفس آخر
v. catch one's breath with an open mouth, owing to pain or astonishment: "a woman gasped in horror at the sight of him"
n. a convulsive catching of breath: "his breath was coming in gasps"
➡️ Blaine Holt to Newsmax: Houthis Attack a 'Last Gasp'

obstinate کله‌شق لجباز، راسخ
stubbornly refusing to change one's opinion or chosen course of action, despite attempts to persuade one to do so: "her obstinate determination to pursue a career in radio"
➡️ Netanyahu claimed the idea was that taking obstinate Hamas officials off the board would make it easier to reach a hostage and ceasefire deal.

subsidence فرونشست
the gradual caving in or sinking of an area of land: "the race was abandoned because of subsidence of the track"
➡️ Everywhere the symptoms of water shortages are clear to see, including evaporating lakes, dried out dams, massive land subsidence in ancient cities such as Isfahan, or cracks on the main rail line between Tehran and Mashhad.➡️"Subsidence is no longer an earthquake that has been extinguished, but rather an erupting volcano.” Mehdi Jamalinejad, governor of Isfahan.

turquoise فیروزه
a greenish-blue colour:"the turquoise waters of the bay"
➡️ the single dramatic and tragic example is the near complete evaporation of the turquoise Lake Urmia in north-western Iran, once the Middle East’s largest lake and the world’s sixth largest saltwater lake. A tourist destination 20 years ago, it now has a water depth of only half a metre.

pyrotechnics نمایش آتش‌بازی
1. a firework display.
2. a brilliant performance or display of a specified skill.
"he thrilled his audience with vocal pyrotechnics"
➡️Netanyahu apparently agreed, reportedly telling the ministers that “pyrotechnics and color are more important than the other things.”
➡️ PM saying it was important Trump saw ‘pyrotechnics’ during 12-day war

مقاله آقای دکتر عراقچی در گاردین را اینجا به سبک و سیاق ترجمه مطبوعاتی، پاراگراف به پاراگراف ارائه کرده ام. واژه هایی که آبی هستند برای خواننده می تواند جدید باشد و به همراه معنی فارسی آن به همان رنگ آبی مشخص کرده ام. عباراتی که جالب است و می توان به صورت یک جمله یا عبارت و نه یک واژه در نظر گرفت و می توان جاهای دیگر هم به کار گرفت را با رنگ ارغوانی مشخص کرده ام. اگر شما هم واژه یا عبارتی جدید و یا جالب می بینید که نیاز است متمایز شده و به این فهرست اضافه شود، بفرمایید تا تکمیل کنم.

A message from Tehran to Britain, France and Germany: in your own interests, you should change course

پیامی از تهران به بریتانیا، فرانسه و آلمان: به نفع خودتان است که مسیرتان را تغییر دهید

For more than two decades, Europe has been at the heart of the ongoing, manufactured crisis over my country’s peaceful nuclear programme. In many ways, the European role has reflected the state of broader international power relations. Once a moderating force aspiring to restrain a belligerent America with maximalist aims in our region, Europe is today enabling the excesses of Washington.

بیش از دو دهه است که اروپا در کانون بحران ساختگیِ پیرامون برنامه صلح‌آمیز هسته‌ای کشور من قرار دارد. نقش اروپا از بسیاری جهات انعکاسی از وضعیت گسترده‌تر روابط قدرت در سطح بین‌المللی است. اروپا که زمانی نیرویی تعدیل‌کننده و درصدد مهار آمریکایِ جنگ طلب بود، امروز خود عاملی در راستای تقویت زیاده خواهی‌های واشنگتن شده است.

Last week, Britain, France and Germany – or the E3 – said they had activated the process to “snap back” UN sanctions on Iran. The mechanism was set up to penalize significant non-performance under the 2015 nuclear deal signed by Iran, the E3, the US, China and Russia. The E3’s gambit lacks any legal standing, chiefly because it ignores the sequence of events that led Iran to adopt lawful remedial measures under the nuclear deal.

هفته گذشته سه کشور اروپایی (انگلیس، فرانسه و آلمان) اعلام کردند که روند بازگرداندن تحریم‌های سازمان ملل علیه ایران (اسنپ بک) را فعال نموده اند؛ این سازوکار با هدف تنبیه «عدم اجرای قابل توجه» تعهدات در توافق هسته‌ای سال ۲۰۱۵ (برجام) طراحی شده بود. اما رفتار اخیر اروپا فاقد هرگونه مبنای حقوقی است، زیرا این اقدام سلسله حوادثی که ایران به موجب آن تدابیر جبرانی قانونی خود در چارچوب توافق اتخاذ کرد را نادیده می‌گیرد.

The three countries want the world to forget that it was the US, and not Iran, that unilaterally ended participation in the joint comprehensive plan of action (JCOPA), the formal name of the deal. The E3 are additionally omitting how they failed to uphold their part of the bargain, not to mention their outrageous welcoming of the bombing of Iran in June.

سه کشور اروپایی می‌خواهند جهان فراموش کند که این آمریکا بود – و نه ایران – که به صورت یکجانبه از برنامه جامع اقدام مشترک (برجام) خارج شد. افزون بر این، سه کشور اروپایی از یاد می برند که خود نیز به تعهدات ناشی از این توافق عمل نکردند و به شکل شرم آوری از بمباران ایران در ماه ژوئن استقبال کردند.

Britain, France and Germany may appear to act out of spite. But the truth is that they are intently pursuing a reckless course of action based on the logic that it may provide them with a seat at the table on other issues. This is a grave miscalculation that is bound to backfire. President Trump has made clear that he views the E3 as tangential actors. This is evident in the way Europe is sidelined from issues that are vital to its future – including the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The message from Washington is loud and clear: to gain relevance, the E3 must exhibit undying fealty. The recent images of European leaders sat in the Oval Office before President Trump vividly underscore this dynamic.

انگلیس، فرانسه و آلمان شاید به نظر برسد از روی لجاجت عمل می‌کنند، اما واقعیت این است که آن‌ها با اصرار در حال دنبال کردن مسیری بی‌پروا هستند؛ بر اساس این منطق که شاید این کار برایشان صندلی‌ای در میز مذاکرات موضوعات دیگر فراهم کند. این محاسبه‌ای بسیار اشتباه است و قطعاً نتیجه معکوس خواهد داد. رئیس‌جمهور ترامپ روشن ساخته که نگاهش به سه کشور اروپایی چیزی جز بازیگران حاشیه‌ای نیست. این موضوع کاملاً آشکار است در شیوه‌ای که اروپا از مسائل حیاتی آینده‌اش ــ از جمله بحران روسیه و اوکراین ــ کنار گذاشته می‌شود. پیام واشنگتن واضح و صریح است: برای به دست آوردن اهمیت، سه کشور اروپایی باید وفاداری بی‌ چون‌وچرا نشان دهند. تصاویر اخیر از رهبران اروپایی که در دفتر بیضی مقابل رئیس‌جمهور ترامپ نشسته بودند، به‌خوبی این وضعیت را نمایان می‌کند.

Things were not always like this. When the E3 was formed in 2003, to rein in the George W Bush administration after its invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, Iran welcomed the endeavor. But talks collapsed when Europe could neither offer anything substantial nor stand up to Washington. At the time, my colleagues wanted Iran to keep 200 centrifuges for small-scale uranium enrichment, only to be met with American maximalism channeled through the E3. War did not erupt partly because the US woke up to the heavy price tag – in both blood and treasure – of illegally occupying Iran’s neighbors to the east and west.

اما اوضاع همیشه این‌گونه نبوده است؛زمانی که تروئیکای اروپایی(E3) در سال ۲۰۰۳ با هدف مهار پیامدهای تهاجم دولت جورج بوش به افغانستان و عراق شکل گرفت، ایران از این ابتکار استقبال کرد. اما مذاکرات زمانی فروپاشید که اروپا نه ظرفیت ارائه پیشنهادات واقعی از خود نشان داد و نه جرئت ایستادگی در برابر واشنگتن را. در آن زمان، همکاران من می‌خواستند ۲۰۰ سانتریفیوژ برای غنی‌سازی در مقیاس کوچک در اختیار داشته باشد، تا بدین شیوه خواسته های حداکثری آمریکا را از طریق این سه کشور اروپایی برآورده نمایند. در آن روزها جنگی آغاز نشد، و یکی از دلایل آن هزینه های سنگین انسانی و مادی ای بود که آمریکا به دلیل اشغال غیرقانونی همسایگان شرقی و غربی ایران پرداخته بود.

Following an eight-year race of sanctions v centrifuges between Iran and the west, during which my country amassed 20,000 centrifuges – 100 times more than in 2005 – two important dynamics enabled unprecedented dialogue: E3 and US acquiescence to enrichment in Iran, and Iranian recognition of America as a negotiating partner. This fundamental realignment directly led to the signing of the JCPOA. The bargain was straightforward: unprecedented oversight and curbs on Iranian enrichment in exchange for the termination of sanctions. The formula worked.

پس از هشت سال جدال تحریم و سانتریفیوژ میان ایران و غرب، که در طی آن کشور من ۲۰ هزار سانتریفیوژ – یعنی صد برابر بیشتر از سال ۲۰۰۵ – به دست آورد، دو تحول اساسی زمینه‌ساز گفت‌وگوی بی‌سابقه شد: پذیرش غنی‌سازی در ایران از سوی سه کشور اروپایی و آمریکا، و پذیرش آمریکا به‌عنوان طرف مذاکره از سوی ایران. این تحول به صورت مستقیم منجر به امضای برجام شد. معامله روشن و شفاف بود: نظارت بی‌سابقه و اعمال محدودیت در مورد برنامه غنی‌سازی ایران به ازای لغو تحریم‌ها. این فرمول کارآمد بود.

Yet, one decade later, we are almost back at square one. President Trump initiated an avoidable cascade of events when he ceased US participation in the JCPOA in 2018 and reimposed all sanctions.

اما یک دهه بعد، اکنون تقریباً به نقطه آغازین بازگشته‌ایم. رئیس جمهور ترامپ در سال 2018 ضمن متوقف کردن مشارکت آمریکا در برجام و بازگرداندن همه تحریم‌ها، زنجیره‌ای اجتناب‌پذیر از بحران‌ها را کلید زد. من تعمداً از اصطلاح «متوقف کردن مشارکت» استفاده می‌کنم، زیرا برجام یک «برنامه اقدام» است نه یک «معاهده» و هیچ بندی در خصوص خروج در آن پیش بینی نشده است.

Initially distraught with the sabotage of a landmark agreement, the E3 pledged remediation, publicly recognizing that “the lifting of nuclear-related sanctions and normalization of trade and economic relations with Iran constitute essential parts of the agreement”. The French finance minister, Bruno Le Maire, thundered that Europe is not a “vassal” while other European leaders insisted that their “strategic autonomy” would ensure continuation of trade with Iran and that the dividends pledged to my people, including the sale of oil and gas along with effective banking transactions, would follow. None of it materialized.

در آغاز، این سه کشور اروپایی که در ابتدا از خرابکاری در یک توافق تاریخی آشفته بودند، متعهد به اصلاح اوضاع شدند و به صورت علنی اعلام کردند که "لغو تحریم‌های هسته‌ای و عادی‌سازی روابط تجاری و اقتصادی با ایران بخش های اساسی این توافق می باشد". وزیر دارایی فرانسه با صراحت اعلام کرد که اروپا "رعیت دیگران" نبوده و این در حالی بود که مابقی کشورهای اروپایی تاکید داشتند که "استقلال راهبردی" آنها تداوم تجارت با ایران را تضمین می کند و مزیت هایی را نیز، از فروش نفت و گاز گرفته تا مبادلات بانکی، به مردم من وعده دادند. اما هیچ‌کدام تحقق نیافت.

While failing to uphold its own obligations, Europe has expected Iran to unilaterally accept all restrictions. Exhibiting this mentality, Britain, France and Germany declined to condemn the US attack on my country in June – on the eve of diplomatic talks – and yet are now demanding UN sanctions on Iranians for supposedly rejecting dialogue.

اروپا در حالی که به تعهداتش عمل نکرده، انتظار دارد ایران یکجانبه تمام محدودیت‌ها را بپذیرد. با همین ذهنیت، این سه کشور اروپایی از محکوم کردن حمله آمریکا علیه کشور من در خرداد ماه سال جاری و در میانه برگزاری گفتگوهای دیپلماتیک امتناع ورزیدند و امروز نیز خواستار برگرداندن تحریم‌های سازمان ملل متحد علیه ایران به بهانه رد گفتگو از سوی ایران هستند.

As I have cautioned my E3 counterparts, their gambit will not achieve the result they seek. On the contrary, it will only further sideline them by eliminating it from future diplomacy, with broad negative consequences for all of Europe in terms of its global credibility and standing.

همانطور که به همتایان خود در سه کشور اروپایی هشدار داده‌ام این بازی نتیجه‌ دلخواه آنها را نخواهد داشت. این امر نتیجه عکس داشته و منجر به حاشیه راندن بیشتر این سه کشور اروپایی با حذف آنها از دیپلماسی پیش رو خواهد شد و عواقب منفی فراوانی علیه اعتبار و جایگاه جهانی کل اروپا به بار خواهد آورد.

There is still time – and a dire need – for an honest conversation. It does not make any sense for the E3 to claim participation in a deal pillared on uranium enrichment in Iran while demanding that Iran must disavow those very capabilities. Openly cheerleading illegal military strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities protected by international law – as Germany’s chancellor has done – does not constitute “participation”.

هنوز فرصت ـ و البته نیازی مبرم ـ برای یک گفت‌وگوی صریح وجود دارد. ادعای سه کشور اروپایی (E3) مبنی بر مشارکت در توافقی که بر غنی‌سازی اورانیوم در ایران استوار است، در حالی که همزمان از ایران می‌خواهند از همین ظرفیت‌ها صرف‌نظر کند، هیچ‌گونه منطقی ندارد. همچنین حمایت آشکار از حملات نظامی غیرقانونی علیه تأسیسات هسته‌ای ایران ـ که تحت حمایت حقوق بین‌الملل قرار دارند ـ چنان‌که صدراعظم آلمان انجام داده است، به هیچ وجه نمی‌تواند به‌عنوان «مشارکت» تلقی شود.

While this lawless behaviour is fueling calls for action to ensure “never again”, Iran remains open to diplomacy.

در حالی که این رفتارهای غیرقانونی موجب بالا گرفتن درخواست‌ها برای اقداماتی با هدف جلوگیری از تکرار چنین وضعیتی شده است، ایران همچنان درِ دیپلماسی را باز نگاه داشته است.

It is ready to forge a realistic and lasting bargain that entails ironclad oversight and curbs on enrichment in exchange for the termination of sanctions. Failing to seize on this fleeting window of opportunity may have consequences destructive for the region and beyond on a whole new level.

ایران آماده است توافقی واقع‌بینانه و پایدار را شکل دهد؛ توافقی که نظارت سخت‌گیرانه و محدودیت‌هایی بر غنی‌سازی را دربر گیرد و در مقابل، به لغو تحریم‌ها منجر شود. استفاده نکردن از این فرصت کوتاه می‌تواند پیامدهایی ویرانگر برای منطقه و حتی فراتر از آن در سطحی کاملاً جدید به همراه داشته باشد.

Israel may be pitching itself as capable of conducting war on behalf of the west. But as in June, the truth is that the powerful armed forces of Iran are ready and able to once again pummel Israel into running to “daddy” to be bailed out. The failed Israeli gambit this summer cost American taxpayers billions of dollars, robbed the United States of vital hardware that is now missing from its inventories, and projected Washington as a reckless actor dragged into a rogue regime’s wars of choice.

شاید اسرائیل بخواهد خود را چنین جلوه دهد (وانمود کند) که قادر به جنگیدن به نیابت از غرب است، اما همانگونه که در خرداد ماه سال جاری نشان داده شد واقعیت این است که نیروهای مسلح قدرتمند ایران آماده‌اند و توان آن را دارند یک بار دیگر اسرائیل را وادار به پناه بردن به "پدرخوانده" برای نجات خود کند. حرکت شکست‌خورده اسرائیل در تابستان سال جاری میلیاردها دلار هزینه بر دوش مالیات‌دهندگان آمریکایی گذاشت، ایالات متحده را از سخت‌افزارهای حیاتی که اکنون از موجودی‌هایش مفقود شده است، محروم کرد و واشنگتن را به عنوان یک بازیگر بی‌پروا که به جنگ‌های دلخواه یک رژیم یاغی کشیده شده است، معرفی کرد.

If Europe truly wants a diplomatic solution, and if President Trump wants the bandwidth to focus on real issues that are not manufactured in Tel Aviv, they need to give diplomacy the time and space that it needs to succeed. The alternative is not likely to be pretty.

اگر اروپا واقعاً به دنبال راه‌حل دیپلماتیک است و اگر رئیس جمهور ترامپ ظرفیت ذهنی (وقت و انرژی کافی) داشته باشد که روی مسائل واقعی تمرکز کند و نه بحران‌های ساخته‌شده در تل‌آویو، باید به دیپلماسی زمان و فضای لازم برای موفقیت بدهند. گزینه جایگزین به‌هیچ‌وجه خوشایند نخواهد بود.

https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/sep/07/message-tehran-britain-france-germany-you-made-a-big-mistake-reimposing-sanctions

مقاله آقای دکتر ظریف در فارن پالیسی را اینجا به سبک و سیاق ترجمه مطبوعاتی، پاراگراف به پاراگراف ارائه کرده ام. واژه هایی که آبی هستند برای خواننده می تواند جدید باشد و به همراه معنی فارسی آن به همان رنگ آبی مشخص کرده ام. عباراتی که جالب است و می توان به صورت یک جمله یا عبارت و نه یک واژه در نظر گرفت و می توان جاهای دیگر هم به کار گرفت را با ارغوانی مشخص کرده ام. اگر شما هم واژه یا عبارتی جدید و یا جالب می بینید که نیاز است متمایز شده و به این فهرست اضافه شود، بفرمایید تا تکمیل کنم.

Javad Zarif: The Time for a Paradigm Shift Is Now

محمد جواد ظریف: زمان تغییر پارادایم فرا رسیده است

Former Iranian foreign minister outlines path for diplomacy.

وزیر امور خارجه سابق ایران مسیر دیپلماسی را ترسیم می‌کند.

West Asia stands at a perilous inflection point. The horrors unfolding in Gaza, the recent aggression directed at Iran but repelled by the Iranian people and its armed forces, and the continued destabilization of Syria illustrate in stark terms that for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his global enablers, the only so-called existential threat is actually peace and quiet. This pairing for Israel of internal apartheid and perpetual regional conflict threatens the very foundations of the regional and global orders.

غرب آسیا در یک نقطه عطف خطرناک قرار دارد. وحشتی که در غزه در حال وقوع است، تجاوز اخیر علیه ایران که توسط مردم و نیروهای مسلح ایران دفع شد، و بی‌ثباتی مداوم سوریه به وضوح نشان می‌دهد که برای بنیامین نتانیاهو، نخست وزیر اسرائیل و حامیان جهانی او، تنها تهدید به اصطلاح وجودی، در واقع صلح و آرامش است. این جفت شدن آپارتاید داخلی و درگیری منطقه‌ای دائمی برای اسرائیل، پایه‌های نظم منطقه‌ای و جهانی را تهدید می‌کند.

While strong defense is necessary, an enduring solution demands a bold diplomatic initiative, a historic shift for Iran and the region from a deeply ingrained threat paradigm to an empowering possibilities paradigm, including: expansion of ties with neighbors and global south countries, a new regional partnership among Muslim West Asia, and a renewed dialogue with Europe and the United States.

در حالی که دفاع قوی ضروری است، یک راه حل پایدار نیازمند یک ابتکار دیپلماتیک جسورانه، یک تغییر تاریخی برای ایران و منطقه از یک الگوی تهدید عمیقاً ریشه‌دار به یک الگوی امکانات توانمندساز، از جمله: گسترش روابط با همسایگان و کشورهای جنوب جهان، یک مشارکت منطقه‌ای جدید بین مسلمانان غرب آسیا و گفتگوی مجدد با اروپا و ایالات متحده است.

For too long now, nations in the region have been trapped in cycles of conflict and missed opportunities. Forging a different future requires vision, courage, and a conscious decision to break free from historical determinism.

مدت‌هاست که ملت‌های منطقه درچرخه‌های درگیری و فرصت‌های از دست رفته گرفتار شده‌اند. ساختن آینده‌ای متفاوت نیازمند بینش، شجاعت و تصمیمی آگاهانه برای رهایی از جبر تاریخی است.

For Iran, this shift begins domestically and radiates outward into its neighborhood. Having been able to demonstrate that it is not easy prey and can hold its own against two nuclear-armed aggressors, Iran has the capacity to make this critical transition from an approach centered on confronting perpetual threats to one focused on exploiting opportunities.

برای ایران، این تغییر از داخل کشور آغاز می‌شود و به همسایگانش نیز سرایت می‌کند. ایران که توانسته نشان دهد طعمه آسانی نیست و می‌تواند در برابر دو متجاوز مسلح به سلاح هسته‌ای مقاومت کند، ظرفیت این گذار حیاتی را از رویکردی متمرکز بر مقابله با تهدیدهای دائمی به رویکردی متمرکز بر بهره‌برداری از فرصت‌ها دارد.

It is not only feasible but profoundly in the interest of Iran, the region, and the global community. Achieving it necessitates unwavering domestic resolve and external noninterference; driven not necessarily by morality or international law, but simply by self-interest.

این امر نه تنها امکان‌پذیر است، بلکه عمیقاً به نفع ایران، منطقه و جامعه جهانی است. دستیابی به آن مستلزم عزم راسخ داخلی و عدم دخالت خارجی است؛ امری که نه لزوماً ناشی از اخلاق یا قوانین بین‌المللی، بلکه صرفاً ناشی از منافع شخصی است.

Iran’s foremost possibility resides in its people. Millennia of history testify to their extraordinary resilience. Invaders have occupied Iranian land, but they were invariably absorbed into the enduring culture and were never able to impose their values on the Iranian people. This resilience is the decisive factor confounding ostensibly superior foes, from Iraq’s invasion in 1980 (backed by global powers) to the recent gambits of Netanyahu and U.S. President Donald Trump. It is why four decades of so-called maximum pressure and crippling sanctions have failed to achieve their objectives.

مهم‌ترین امکان ایران در مردم آن نهفته است. هزاران سال تاریخ، گواه مقاومت فوق‌العاده آنها است. مهاجمان سرزمین ایران را اشغال کرده‌اند، اما همواره در فرهنگ پایدار آن جذب شده‌اند و هرگز نتوانسته‌اند ارزش‌های خود را به مردم ایران تحمیل کنند. این مقاومت، عامل تعیین‌کننده‌ای است که دشمنان به ظاهر برتر را، از حمله عراق در سال ۱۹۸۰ (با حمایت قدرت‌های جهانی) گرفته تا ترفندهای اخیر نتانیاهو و دونالد ترامپ، رئیس جمهور آمریکا، گیج می‌کند. به همین دلیل است که چهار دهه فشار حداکثری و تحریم‌های فلج‌کننده نتوانسته‌اند به اهداف خود برسند.

Despite unprecedented global restrictions—from U.N. Security Council resolutions to export restrictions deliberately designed to stifle Iran’s technological advancement—the Iranian people have indigenously propelled scientific and technological progress, particularly in defense and nuclear energy. Thus, Iranian people are not subjects to be constrained but the nation’s paramount asset to be empowered, nurtured, and allowed to flourish.

علیرغم محدودیت‌های بی‌سابقه جهانی - از قطعنامه‌های شورای امنیت سازمان ملل گرفته تا محدودیت‌های صادراتی که عمداً برای خفه کردن پیشرفت‌های فناوری ایران طراحی شده‌اند - مردم ایران به طور بومی پیشرفت علمی و فناوری را، به ویژه در حوزه دفاعی و انرژی هسته‌ای، به پیش برده‌اند. بنابراین، مردم ایران سوژه‌هایی نیستند که باید محدود شوند، بلکه سرمایه اصلی ملت هستند که باید توانمند شوند، پرورش یابند و اجازه شکوفایی پیدا کنند.

Iran’s second vital pillar of possibility is its neighborhood. With borders on 15 nations, Iran sits at a unique Eurasian crossroads. More significantly, the region shares deep, unbreakable historical and cultural ties woven over centuries by Iranian poets, mystics, philosophers, and scientists. These connections have endured empires, invasions, and turmoil.

دومین رکن حیاتی ایران، همسایگی آن است. ایران با داشتن مرز با ۱۵ کشور، در چهارراه منحصر به فرد اوراسیا قرار دارد. مهم‌تر از آن، این منطقه پیوندهای تاریخی و فرهنگی عمیق و ناگسستنی دارد که طی قرن‌ها توسط شاعران، عرفا، فیلسوفان و دانشمندان ایرانی بافته شده است. این ارتباطات، امپراتوری‌ها، تهاجم‌ها و آشفتگی‌ها را تحمل کرده‌اند.

Yet real regional cooperation has remained elusive. In my decades as an Iranian diplomat, I’ve participated in developing initiatives that were consistently undermined by a paradigm of suspicion and threats. From proposals for Persian Gulf security during the Iran-Iraq War, to aborted cooperation declarations with tour neighbors in the southern coast of the Persian Gulf in the wake of Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990, and later initiatives like a regional dialogue forum, a non-aggression pact, the Hormuz Peace Endeavor, the Muslim West Asian Dialogue Association, and the most recent Middle East Network for Atomic Research and Advancement, all these initiatives faltered due to mutual mistrust.

با این حال، همکاری واقعی منطقه‌ای همچنان دست‌نیافتنی مانده است. در طول دهه‌هایی که به عنوان یک دیپلمات ایرانی فعالیت داشته‌ام، در توسعه ابتکاراتی مشارکت داشته‌ام که پیوسته توسط الگویی از سوءظن و تهدید تضعیف شده‌اند. از پیشنهادهایی برای امنیت خلیج فارس در طول جنگ ایران و عراق گرفته تا اعلامیه‌های همکاری لغو شده با همسایگان در سواحل جنوبی خلیج فارس پس از حمله عراق به کویت در سال ۱۹۹۰، و ابتکارات بعدی مانند مجمع گفتگوی منطقه‌ای، پیمان عدم تجاوز، طرح صلح هرمز، انجمن گفتگوی غرب آسیای اسلامی و جدیدترین شبکه خاورمیانه برای تحقیقات و پیشرفت اتمی، همه این ابتکارات به دلیل بی‌اعتمادی متقابل با شکست مواجه شده‌اند.

But recent escalations by Israel have created a new awareness of shared vulnerability in the region. There is now a crucial window of opportunity. Iran, alongside Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen—potentially expanding to Pakistan, Central Asia, and the Caucasus—must seize this moment. Under a U.N. umbrella, we can forge a new compact based on a strategic pivot from fragmentation to one of synergy. Shared energy corridors, robust nonproliferation and nuclear cooperation frameworks, economic cooperation, and cultural unity can become the engines of shared prosperity.

اما تشدید تنش‌های اخیر توسط اسرائیل، آگاهی جدیدی از آسیب‌پذیری مشترک در منطقه ایجاد کرده است. اکنون یک پنجره فرصت حیاتی وجود دارد. ایران، در کنار بحرین، مصر، عراق، اردن، کویت، عمان، قطر، عربستان سعودی، سوریه، ترکیه، امارات متحده عربی و یمن - که به طور بالقوه به پاکستان، آسیای مرکزی و قفقاز گسترش می‌یابد - باید از این لحظه استفاده کنند. زیر چتر سازمان ملل، می‌توانیم یک پیمان جدید بر اساس یک چرخش استراتژیک از چندپارگی به سوی هم‌افزایی ایجاد کنیم. کریدورهای انرژی مشترک، چارچوب‌های قوی عدم اشاعه و همکاری هسته‌ای، همکاری اقتصادی و وحدت فرهنگی می‌توانند به موتورهای رفاه مشترک تبدیل شوند.

Through the prism of this possibilities paradigm, Iran and even Russia and Turkey can view the recent agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia in Washington not as a threat, but as an opportunity—a chance to revive the previously proposed transit cooperation in the Caucasus between Iran, Russia, and Turkey, together with Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. The new agreement provides a global context that makes our 2019 regional initiative more feasible and sustainable. And it will provide unique investment opportunities for the private sector in the United States and other countries.

از دریچه این الگوی احتمالات، ایران و حتی روسیه و ترکیه می‌توانند توافق اخیر بین آذربایجان و ارمنستان در واشنگتن را نه به عنوان یک تهدید، بلکه به عنوان یک فرصت ببینند - فرصتی برای احیای همکاری ترانزیتی پیشنهادی قبلی در قفقاز بین ایران، روسیه و ترکیه، به همراه ارمنستان، آذربایجان و گرجستان. این توافق جدید زمینه‌ای جهانی فراهم می‌کند که ابتکار منطقه‌ای ما در سال ۲۰۱۹ را عملی‌تر و پایدارتر می‌کند. و فرصت‌های سرمایه‌گذاری بی‌نظیری را برای بخش خصوصی در ایالات متحده و سایر کشورها فراهم خواهد کرد.

The third pillar, involving global diplomacy, is perhaps the most challenging for Iran given its disillusionment over past experiences. Yet I firmly believe Iran and the international community share an existential interest in pushing past those experiences and forging a different future.

ستون سوم، که شامل دیپلماسی جهانی است، شاید با توجه به سرخوردگی ایران از تجربیات گذشته، چالش‌برانگیزترین بخش باشد. با این حال، من کاملاً معتقدم که ایران و جامعه بین‌المللی در پشت سر گذاشتن این تجربیات و ساختن آینده‌ای متفاوت، منافع مشترکی دارند.

Iran has made significant contributions to global stability over the decades. As a U.N. founding member, it sponsored landmark initiatives: the 1974 proposal for a Middle East Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone, the 1997 “Dialogue Among Civilizations,” and the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Tragically, the world’s major powers have consistently undermined these Iranian overtures.

ایران در طول دهه‌ها سهم قابل توجهی در ثبات جهانی داشته است. این کشور به عنوان یکی از اعضای بنیانگذار سازمان ملل متحد، از ابتکارات برجسته‌ای حمایت کرده است: پیشنهاد منطقه عاری از سلاح هسته‌ای خاورمیانه در سال ۱۹۷۴، «گفتگوی تمدن‌ها» در سال ۱۹۹۷ و برنامه جامع اقدام مشترک (برجام) در سال ۲۰۱۵. متأسفانه، قدرت‌های بزرگ جهان پیوسته این ابتکارات ایران را تضعیف کرده‌اند.

The historical pattern is stark: The West’s aggressive response to Iran’s 1951 oil nationalization, culminating in the 1953 coup; its support for Saddam Hussein’s aggression against Iran in 1980; its actions enabling Israel to possess hundreds of nuclear warheads; its labeling of Iran as part of an “axis of evil” in 2002, despite Iranian cooperation post-9/11; and the relentless disinformation campaign against Iran’s peaceful nuclear program. Ironically, that assault has been led by Israel, which has refused to sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and is known to have secretly developed a large nuclear arsenal.

الگوی تاریخی کاملاً آشکار است: واکنش تهاجمی غرب به ملی شدن نفت ایران در سال ۱۹۵۱ که به کودتای ۱۹۵۳ منجر شد؛ حمایت آن از تجاوز صدام حسین علیه ایران در سال ۱۹۸۰؛ اقدامات آن که اسرائیل را قادر به داشتن صدها کلاهک هسته‌ای کرد؛ برچسب زدن ایران به عنوان بخشی از «محور شرارت» در سال ۲۰۰۲، علیرغم همکاری ایران پس از ۱۱ سپتامبر؛ و کمپین بی‌وقفه انتشار اطلاعات نادرست علیه برنامه هسته‌ای صلح‌آمیز ایران. از قضا، این حمله توسط اسرائیل رهبری شده است، که از امضای پیمان منع گسترش سلاح‌های هسته‌ای خودداری کرده و گفته می‌شود که مخفیانه یک زرادخانه هسته‌ای بزرگ توسعه داده است.

The saga of the JCPOA epitomizes the unfulfilled promises of diplomacy. Around the world, it was hailed as a diplomatic triumph in 2015. But Trump’s decision to withdraw from the agreement three years later deeply damaged faith in diplomacy within Iran. Beyond the crushing sanctions, the recent European move to invoke the JCPOA’s Dispute Resolution Mechanism amid Israeli attacks on Iranian facilities is profoundly cynical. Europe systematically failed to honor its JCPOA and U.N. Security Council commitments for seven years. The core bargain—economic normalization for verified nuclear compliance—was shattered when the United States withdrew and Europe proved unable or unwilling to implement even rudimentary economic mechanisms like its own proposed INSTEX, a vehicle aimed at bypassing U.S. sanctions.

حماسه برجام، نمونه بارز وعده‌های تحقق نیافته دیپلماسی است. در سراسر جهان، این توافق در سال ۲۰۱۵ به عنوان یک پیروزی دیپلماتیک مورد استقبال قرار گرفت. اما تصمیم ترامپ برای خروج از این توافق سه سال بعد، به شدت به اعتماد به دیپلماسی در ایران آسیب رساند. فراتر از تحریم‌های خردکننده، اقدام اخیر اروپا برای توسل به مکانیسم حل اختلاف برجام در بحبوحه حملات اسرائیل به تأسیسات ایران، عمیقاً بدبینانه است. اروپا به طور سیستماتیک به مدت هفت سال از پایبندی به تعهدات خود در برجام و شورای امنیت سازمان ملل متحد سر باز زد. توافق اصلی - عادی‌سازی اقتصادی در ازای پایبندی هسته‌ای راستی‌آزمایی شده - با خروج ایالات متحده از آن و ناتوانی یا عدم تمایل اروپا به اجرای حتی سازوکارهای اقتصادی ابتدایی مانند اینستکس پیشنهادی خود، ابزاری برای دور زدن تحریم‌های ایالات متحده، از هم پاشید.

Iran, facing noncompliance by the United States and E3—Britain, Germany, and France—lawfully invoked the JCPOA’s remedial measures from 2017 to 2021. Rather than uphold diplomacy, the E3 supported Israeli military attacks on Iran in June, with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz going so far as to say that Israel was doing the West’s “dirty work.” Europe’s endorsement of war followed by a resort to the diplomatic dispute resolution of the nuclear deal—for the same objectives that war failed to achieve—have further shattered Iranian respect for diplomacy.

ایران که با عدم پایبندی ایالات متحده و سه کشور اروپایی (بریتانیا، آلمان و فرانسه) مواجه بود، از سال ۲۰۱۷ تا ۲۰۲۱ به طور قانونی به اقدامات جبرانی برجام استناد کرد. سه کشور اروپایی به جای حمایت از دیپلماسی، از حملات نظامی اسرائیل به ایران در ماه ژوئن حمایت کردند و فردریش مرتس، صدراعظم آلمان، تا آنجا پیش رفت که گفت اسرائیل « کار کثیف » غرب را انجام می‌دهد. حمایت اروپا از جنگ و به دنبال آن توسل به حل و فصل دیپلماتیک اختلافات ناشی از توافق هسته‌ای - برای همان اهدافی که جنگ نتوانست به آنها دست یابد - احترام ایران به دیپلماسی را بیش از پیش از بین برده است.

Given this heavy historical baggage, getting the Iranian people and their government to believe in the viability of diplomacy will be challenging. Yet the alternative—the path of the forever wars—leads inexorably to regional dismemberment, rampant extremism, and chaos engulfing West Asia and beyond. It risks plunging the United States and the West into a quagmire of historic proportions.

با توجه به این بار تاریخی سنگین، متقاعد کردن مردم و دولت ایران به امکان‌پذیری دیپلماسی چالش‌برانگیز خواهد بود. با این حال، گزینه جایگزین - مسیر جنگ‌های ابدی - به طور اجتناب‌ناپذیری به تجزیه منطقه‌ای، افراط‌گرایی لجام‌گسیخته و هرج و مرجی منجر می‌شود که غرب آسیا و فراتر از آن را فرا می‌گیرد. این امر خطر فرو بردن ایالات متحده و غرب را در باتلاقی با ابعاد تاریخی به همراه دارد.

The United States and Europe—and not just Iran—have an existential interest to encourage the paradigm shift discussed above. By opting for war even as negotiations were underway, they have practically slammed the door on diplomacy. The onus is now on them to change course if they expect Iranian reciprocation. Iran, too, has much to gain—and immense hardship to avert—by engaging in a multidimensional, forward-looking, results-oriented dialogue. The path forward may include the formation of a regional network for nonproliferation and peaceful nuclear cooperation, coupled with a possible U.S.-Iran non-aggression pact.

ایالات متحده و اروپا - و نه فقط ایران - منافع وجودی خود را در تشویق تغییر الگوی مورد بحث در بالا دارند. آنها با انتخاب جنگ حتی در حالی که مذاکرات در جریان بود، عملاً در را به روی دیپلماسی بسته‌اند. اکنون اگر انتظار اقدام متقابل ایران را دارند، وظیفه تغییر مسیر بر عهده آنهاست. ایران نیز با مشارکت در یک گفتگوی چندبعدی، آینده‌نگر و نتیجه‌محور، دستاوردهای زیادی - و سختی‌های عظیمی - برای جلوگیری از آنها دارد. مسیر پیش رو ممکن است شامل تشکیل یک شبکه منطقه‌ای برای عدم اشاعه و همکاری هسته‌ای صلح‌آمیز، همراه با یک پیمان عدم تجاوز احتمالی بین ایالات متحده و ایران باشد.

We cannot ignore the past, nor should we cease learning from it. But we must refuse to be imprisoned by past failures. Otherwise, we doom ourselves to an endless loop of catastrophes.

ما نمی‌توانیم گذشته را نادیده بگیریم و نباید از درس گرفتن از آن دست بکشیم. اما باید از زندانی شدن در شکست‌های گذشته خودداری کنیم. در غیر این صورت، خود را محکوم به یک چرخه بی‌پایان از فجایع می‌کنیم.

Warmongers thrive on closing any window for diplomacy. We must deny them the chance to entrench the destructive threat paradigm and extinguish hope. The crossroad is here. The choice for Iran, the region, and global powers is clear: more of the catastrophic past, or the courage to build a future together. The time for a paradigm shift is now.

جنگ‌طلبان با بستن هر دریچه‌ای برای دیپلماسی پیشرفت می‌کنند. ما باید از آنها فرصت تثبیت الگوی تهدید مخرب و خاموش کردن امید را بگیریم. دوراهی اینجاست. انتخاب برای ایران، منطقه و قدرت‌های جهانی روشن است: یا گذشته‌ی فاجعه‌بار بیشتر، یا شجاعت برای ساختن آینده‌ای مشترک. زمان تغییر پارادایم اکنون است.

منبع: فارن پالیسی، 15 اوت 2025

https://foreignpolicy.com/2025/08/15/javad-zarif-iran-diplomacy-war-united-states/?tpcc=recirc_latest062921